1. Treblinka in Orthodox 'Holocaust'-Literature
An historian normally makes a sharp distinction between books of facts and novels. In the case of the orthodox literature about Treblinka, i.e., that supporting the thesis of the mass extermination in gas chambers, this distinction is hardly possible: even advocates of the official account of Treblinka who lay claim to scholarship must, in view of the total absence of material and documentary evidence, necessarily rely upon witness testimony, whose value will be dramatically demonstrated to the reader by the following examples. For this reason, we have forsworn any attempt at making such a distinction in our chronological overview of the most important works, which have appeared since 1945 and are dedicated entirely or in part to the Treblinka camp.
a. Wassili Grossmann
We begin with the publication Treblinka Ad (The Hell of Treblinka) of the Soviet-Jewish author Wassili Grossmann (also spelled Vassili Grossman), which appeared in 1945. The work was not available to us in book form, but rather in the form of a marked-up manuscript that we found in a Russian archive. It is not dated, but it emerges from the context that it must have originated at the end of 1944 or beginning of 1945. Already in 1945, a French as well as a Polish version appeared under the titles L'enfer de Treblinka and Piekło Treblinki, respectively. Likewise, a German version followed in 1945 in a book, which simultaneously contained a report of Konstantin Simonov about Majdanek; a second German edition, reproduced in part by Udo Walendy in no. 44 of his Historische Tatsachen, was published in 1946.
A comparison of the Russian manuscript with the foreign-language translations shows that the latter are somewhat longer. The Russian book version, upon which these translations are based, has thus been expanded with respect to the manuscript in question.
Grossmann 's work represents a classic example of atrocity propaganda. We now cite some excerpts from the German 1945 edition:
"In Treblinka there were two camps: the labor camp No. 1, in which prisoners of various nationalities, above all Poles, worked, and camp No. 2, the Jewish camp.
Camp No. 1 - the work- or concentration camp - was located directly next to the sand pit, at the edge of the forest. It was a camp like the ones, which were established by the hundreds and thousands in the occupied eastern territories by the Gestapo. It began in 1941. As if reduced to one common denominator, the traits of the German character, grotesquely disfigured by the frightful distortion mirror of the Hitler regime, are combined in it. [p. 27f...]
The No. 1 Camp existed from Autumn of 1941 [until] July 23, 1944. It was completely liquidated when the prisoners were already hearing the dull booming of the Soviet artillery. Early in the morning of July 23, the guard unit and the SS people proceeded to the extermination of the camp after they had encouraged themselves with schnapps. By the evening all of the prisoners had been murdered - murdered and buried. The Warsaw cabinetmaker Max Lewit was able to save himself, because he, lying wounded underneath the corpses of his comrades, had waited for the darkness and had crept into the forest. He told how he heard the singing of thirty boys in the pit who stroke up the tune 'Song of the Fatherland' before being shot to death; he heard how one of the youngsters yelled: 'Stalin will revenge us!' He heard how the Camp favorite Leib, who had led the boys, got up once more when he fell down into the pit after the volley hit him, and how he asked: 'Pan Guard, they missed, please once more, Pan Guard, once more!' [p. 29...]
We know the names of the Camp SS people, their characters, idiosyncrasies, we know the Camp Director van Eipen, a half-Dutch German, who is an insane murderer, an insatiable libertine, a lover of good horses and fast riding jaunts. [...]
We know the one-eyed German Swiderski from Odessa, the 'Master Hammerer,' who was regarded as the unsurpassable specialist of 'dry murder,' because within a few minutes he killed with a hammer fifteen children between the ages of eight and thirteen years, who had been designated as unfit for labor. We know the skinny, gypsy-like SS-man Preifi with the nickname 'the Old Man,' a taciturn grump. He sought to dissipate his melancholy by sitting behind the place where the camp slops were dumped; he stalked the prisoners who sneaked back there to secretly eat potato peels and forced them to open their mouths and then shot into these widely opened mouths. We know the names of the professional murderers Schwarz and Ledecke. They took delight in shooting at the prisoners returning home in the twilight and murdered twenty of them a day. Thirty, forty men. [p. 29f.]
Such was life in this camp, similar to a downsized Majdanek, and it might seem that there could be nothing worse in the world. But the inmates of Camp No. 1 knew quite well that there was something worse, something a hundred times more horrible than their own camp. Three kilometers from the labor camp, the Germans began in May 1942 the construction of the Jewish camp - the human slaughterhouse. [p. 31...]
For thirteen months the trains came to Treblinka, each train consisted of sixty cars, and on each car a number was written with chalk: one hundred-fifty - one hundred-eighty - two hundred. These figures indicated the number of people who were in the car. Train workers and peasants secretly counted the trains. One peasant from the village of Wulka (the community situated closest to the camp), the sixty-two-year-old Kazimierz Skarzinski, told me that there were days when six trains ran past Wulka alone, over the Siedlce railway, and that there wasn't one day during the course of these thirteen months that at least one of these trains didn't come through. But the Siedlce line is just one of the four train lines which supplied Treblinka. Lucian Cukowa, a railway repair worker, who the Germans had mobilized for work on the branch line that goes from Treblinka to Camp no. 2, relates that during his work from June 15, 1942, until August 1943, one to three trains came every day from Treblinka Station to the camp over this secondary line. Every train consisted of sixty cars and in each car were no fewer than one hundred-fifty persons. We have collected dozens of such statements. Even if we reduced by about a factor of two all the numbers mentioned by the witnesses, which were on the trains dispatched to Treblinka, then the number of people brought to Treblinka within thirteen months nevertheless amounts to approximately three million. [p. 31f.]
In the report of this final tragic train, all witnesses mention the atrocities of a human-like creature, the SS-man Zepf. He specialized in being the murderer of children. This creature, who had at his disposal enormous powers, suddenly grabbed a child from out of the crowd and, after he had swung him through the air like a club, smashed in his skull on the ground or tore him right in two. When I heard of this monster, obviously born of a woman, it seemed to me unthinkable and improbable that the acts that were told of him could be true. But when I had personally heard a repetition of these reports from direct eyewitnesses, I saw that they spoke of them as of particular events, which were not unusual for, or inconsistent to, the entire structure of the Hell of Treblinka, and I believed in the possibility of such a creature. [p. 43...]
The dimensions of the first three chambers were only five by five meters, which means that each had twenty-five square meters. Each chamber was one hundred-ninety centimeters high. It had two doors; one admitted the living, the other served for bringing out the gassed corpses. This second door was very wide, approximately two-and-a-half meters. The chambers were mounted upon a common foundation. These three chambers did not correspond to the productive capacity demanded by Berlin in assembly-line murder. [...]
The seven hundred prisoners worked five weeks long on the structure of the new large-scale murder business. When the work had reached its peak, an expert came with his staff from Germany and took care of setting things up. The new chambers, ten in all, were symmetrically arranged on either side of a concrete corridor. [...]
The new chambers were each seven by eight meters, or fifty-six square meters in area. The total surface area of these ten chambers amounted to five hundred-sixty square meters, and if one added to this the area of the three old chambers, which were put into service at the arrival of small parties, then Treblinka had at its disposal a total of usable lethal surface area of six hundred thirty-five square meters. Four hundred-sixty to five hundred people were squeezed into one chamber at a time. When fully loaded, therefore, the ten chambers during one operation annihilated an average of four thousand five hundred people. At their most typical loading, the chambers of the Hell of Treblinka were filled at least two or three times every day (there were days when this happened five times). If we intentionally reduce the figures, we are able to calculate that, with a usage of only twice per day of just the new chambers, approximately ten thousand people were murdered in Treblinka on a single day, and about three hundred thousand in a month. Treblinka was operating for thirteen months, day after day, but if we allow even ninety days to be deducted for repairs, idleness, untypical transports, there are ten full months of operation. If in one month an average of three hundred thousand people arrive, then within ten months Treblinka exterminated three million people. [p. 47f...]
The duty of the writer is to report a terrible truth, and the citizen's duty as a reader is to learn it. Anyone who turns away, closes his eyes and walks by, desecrates the memory of the murdered. Whoever does not know the whole truth can never grasp against what foe, what monstrosity, the great Red Army took up the deadly struggle. [p. 55...]
We entered the camp of Treblinka at the beginning of September , which was thirteen months after the day of the revolt. For thirteen months the Germans had tried to erase the traces of their work. [...]. And the earth, giving way under one's feet, is fatty and swollen, as if it had been soaked in a surfeit of linseed oil; the unsolid earth of Treblinka wells up like an eddying sea. This wasteland, surrounded by barbed wire fencing, has consumed more human lives than entire oceans and seas of the globe since the existence of the human race." (p. 61f.)
In his edifying report Grossmann writes that there were three methods of mass killing: gassing, scalding with hot steam, and suffocation by evacuation of the death chamber by means of vacuum pumps. We shall return to this theme in the following chapter. In any case, the second as well as the third murder method very soon took their leave from history; only the gas chambers have remained. Also the number of Treblinka victims, postulated several times by Grossmann as three million, was dropped at that time as being obviously all too incredible, and in the publications that followed writers contented themselves with significantly lower numbers of victims.
b. Rachel Auerbach
In 1946, the Polish Jewess Rachel Auerbach, who had not been interned in Treblinka herself but had supposedly received her information from former inmates, wrote a work in the Yiddish language about the camp, which was published in 1979 in English by Alexander Donat under the title In the fields of Treblinka. R. Auerbach attacked W. Grossmann on the basis of the number of three million victims claimed by him. She gives the number of victims with precision as 1,074,000 and writes:
"Such places as Treblinka, with their huge mass graves, do not need that sort of odd local patriotism which is expressed by exaggerating the number of victims in order to depict the monstrosity of the mass murders committed there. Believe me, over a million people killed in the course of one year in one little place is a million times more than a million human brains could grasp. And even half a million would be much more than enough." (p. 55)
Disregarding this praiseworthy refusal to indulge in any kind of exaggeration, the authoress reports, among other things, the following concerning Treblinka:
"The floor of the gas chambers was sloping and slippery. The first ones in would slip and fall, never to rise again. Those who followed would topple over them. The chamber was packed to the brim. The people were jammed together so closely that they pushed each other into a standing position. Some witnesses report that the people inside the chambers had to raise their arms and pull in their stomachs so that more could be fitted in. And then, when they stood pressed together, little children were slipped in above their heads like so many bundles.
Gas was costly and therefore had to be used economically.
At last, the doors were slammed shut.
The shift was ready to die.
The motor, installed in a workshop near the bathhouse, could be started now. First, a suction pump was brought into play to draw the pure air from the chamber. After that, the pipes to the reservoir of exhaust gas from the motor could be opened.
'A few minutes later,' Jews who had worked in that part of the camp recalled, 'we would hear terrible screams from that building.' The screams of human pain, terror and despair. At the last moment, it seems, when the pumps started to suck out breathable air, all self-control broke, and there was an outbreak of collective hysteria inside the gas chamber.
Later... in due time... all was quiet again...
Perhaps 25 to 45 minutes later, the chutes on the other side could be opened and the corpses tumbled out. The bodies were naked; some of them were white, others were blue and bloated. [p. 35f...]
Therefore, in Treblinka as in other places, children were often thrown live into the fire, or into the regular mass grave. The most important consideration was to conserve bullets or gas whenever possible. It was also believed that children did not die as easily and quickly from a bullet or from gas as adults did. Doctors had given some thought to this matter, and they had concluded that children have better circulation because their blood vessels were not yet hardened." (p. 38f.)
R. Auerbach surprises her readers with trail-blazing scientific findings such as the discovery that blood "was found to be a first-class combustion material" (p. 38), and imparts the information that the gassing of many thousands of Jews per day was conducted by "30 to 40 SS-men, and 200 to 300 Ukrainian guards," by which she provides a record not especially flattering to her co-religionists. Concerning the artistic events and other diversions in Treblinka, she has the following to say:
"In order to enliven the monotony of their murderous work, the Germans installed at Treblinka a Jewish orchestra, This was in keeping with the established procedure in other camps. This orchestra had a twofold purpose: first, to drown out, as much as that was possible, the screams and moans of the people being driven to their death in the gas chambers; the second, to provide musical entertainment for the camp staff, who represented two music-loving nations - Germany and the Ukraine! A band was needed also for the frequent entertainments, which were arranged here. In time, a choir was organized, and there were even amateur theater performances, but unfortunately the outbreak of the uprising frustrated the great plans for the advancement of culture and art, which had been concocted for Treblinka. [p. 44...]
It is said that when Himmler visited Treblinka late in February, 1943 a special 'attraction' should be prepared for him: a party of young women, who had been specially selected for this purpose so that the supreme SS and police chief of the Reich could take aesthetic pleasure in looking at their nude bodies as they demonstrated the workings of the camp, being driven into the 'bathhouse' and then dumped out as corpses...
As the Italian saying goes: 'Se non è vero, è ben trovato.'" (p. 48)
The last sentence means: "Even if it's not true, it's well invented." This applies in full compass to Rachel Auerbach 's 'factual report' about Treblinka.
c. Zdzisław Łukaszkiewicz
Likewise in the year 1946, there appeared in the bulletin of the Main Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland a thirty-page article by Judge Zdzisław Łukaszkiewicz under the title "Obóz zagłady Treblinka" (The Extermination Camp Treblinka). In the introduction to this work, in which the "preliminary investigations" are described, the author states:
"The basis of the evidentiary material, upon which the preliminary investigations rest as represented in the following, are above all the witness statements of thirteen Jews, former prisoners of the camp Treblinka, who managed to escape death by the fact that during the armed revolt of August 2, 1943, they fled the camp. The following are the witnesses: Jankiel Wiernik, Henryk Poswolski, Aron Czechowicz, Abe Kon, Oskar Strawczyński, Samuel Reisman, Aleksander Kudlik, Hejnoch Brenner, Stanisław Kon, Eugeniusz Turowski, Henryk Reichman , Szyja Warszawski and Leon Finkelsztejn."
As supplementary evidence, Z. Łukaszkiewicz mentions the statements of eleven Polish railway workers as well as documents of the railroad, from which is said to come the number of prisoners brought to Treblinka, and coins and documents excavated from the grounds of the camp as well as the results of forensic investigations and land surveys. But the declarations of the thirteen Jewish witnesses are the sole basis of proof for the claimed mass extermination.
According to Łukaszkiewicz, there were two gas chambers in Treblinka in the beginning, to which ten more were added later. The murders were committed with engine exhaust gas. The bodies were burned under the open sky, in that 2,500 were placed upon open grates at a time and turned into ashes. In the camp hospital, the Germans and their Ukrainian assistants had killed large numbers of prisoners by a shot in the back of the neck; old people, the infirm, and children without relatives were led off directly after their arrival at the hospital and shot. A total of at least 731,600 people had been murdered in Treblinka, but the total number of victims was in reality higher.
In the same year, therefore still in 1946, Z. Łukaszkiewicz compiled a significantly more detailed report about the camp under the title "Obóz straceń w Treblince" (The Execution Camp in Treblinka), which to some extent marked the transition from pure atrocity propaganda à la Grossmann and Auerbach to an account, which purported to be scientific. In accord with this, the style is also much more sober than is the case with Grossmann and Auerbach, and descriptions of patent impossibilities are rarer. Nevertheless, this work also bears quite unmistakably the stamp of propaganda and possesses but slight scientific value. Łukaszkiewicz tersely gives the number of victims of the camp now as 800,000; nearly all of the murdered were Jews, but a certain number of Poles and Gypsies were also killed.
The details given by Łukaszkiewicz correspond in all essential points to the Treblinka version endorsed by the western orthodox 'Holocaust' historians.
d. N. Blumental
Likewise in Poland and yet again in 1946, a collection of documents appeared, edited by N. Blumental, a member of the Central Jewish Historical Commission, under the title Dokumenty i Materiały, which contains an eighteen-page report about Treblinka. This consists of an introduction as well as reports of two former Jewish prisoners of the camp, Szymon Goldberg and Samuel Rajzman. We will later cite excerpts from these reports.
e. Marian Muszkat
In 1948, a Marian Muszkat prepared a 'documentation' in Poland for the UN Commission for the Investigation of War Crimes, in which the subject of Treblinka arose and in which several former inmates of the camp were quoted. As a sample we quote here an excerpt from the 'experience report' by witness Jan Sułkowski:
"The Germans built a so called 'death-bridge' which consisted of a scaffold 3-4 metres high. The German [Lampert] picked out some Jews and ordered them to climb on to the bridge. During the climbing the Jews were shot at. If there was a Jew who, by some miracle, succeeded in climbing right to the top he would be ordered to take off the shoes and to hold them over his head. This acrobatic trick was very difficult to perform as the whole scaffold was rocking. Then the Jew would be shot. I saw myself the SS men indulging in this 'innocent' game."
Eyewitness Leon Finkelsztejn relates:
"Bilitz Alfred and Gens Adolf stood at the entrance to the gas chambers and cut women's breasts off with long knives."
Two further eyewitnesses, Hejnoch Brenner and Zygmunt Blacherski, had also seen how Bilitz cut off women's breasts. - At the Jerusalem trial of John Demjanjuk, there was no more mention of Alfred Bilitz and Adolf Gens; now it had been the defendant Demjanjuk, who was accused to have stood at the entrance of the gas chamber(s) and hacked off the breasts of women by choice with a dagger or a sword.
After the appearance of this 'documentation,' there was a long period of silence insofar as the topic of Treblinka was concerned, and for a full 18 years indeed, no book, not even a noteworthy article, appeared about the camp. It was not before 1966, after the great Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, that eyewitnesses and chroniclers again announced their intention to be heard.
f. Jean-François Steiner
In 1966, the French-Jewish author Jean-François Steiner - with the assistance of the ghost-writer Gilles Perrault - published a novel allegedly based upon the statements of former prisoners with the title Treblinka, which constitutes a most particularly repulsive example of the copious trash-literature about National-Socialist concentration camps, shaped by pathological fantasies, but which is nonetheless highly rated by prominent figures like Simone de Beauvoir.
"Blonde and slight, with a gentle face and a retiring manner, he arrived one fine morning with his little suitcase at the gates of the kingdom of death. His name was Herbert Floss, and he was a specialist in the cremation of bodies. [...]
The first bonfire was prepared the next day. Herbert Floss then revealed his secret: all the bodies did not burn at the same rate; there were good bodies and bad bodies, fire-resistant bodies and inflammable bodies. The art consisted in using the good ones to burn the bad ones. According to his investigations-and judging from the results, they were very thorough-the old bodies burned better than the new ones, the fat ones better than the thin ones, the women better than the men, and the children not as well as the women but better than the men. It was evident that the ideal body was the old body of a fat woman. Floss had these put aside. Then he had the men and children sorted too. When a thousand bodies had been dug up and sorted in this way, he proceeded to the loading, with the good fuel underneath and the bad above. He refused gasoline and sent for wood. His demonstration was going to be perfect. The wood was arranged under the grill of the pyre in little piles which resembled camp fires. The moment of truth had come. He was solemnly handed a box of matches. He bent down, lit the first fire, then the others, and as the wood began to catch fire he walked back with his odd gait to the group of officials who were waiting a little way away.
The mounting flames began to lick at the bodies, gently at first, then with a steady force like the flame of a blow torch. Everyone held his breath, the Germans anxious and impatient, the prisoners dismayed and terrified. Only Floss seemed relaxed; very sure of himself, he was muttering abstractedly, 'Tadellos, tadellos...' The bodies burst into flames. Suddenly the flames shot up, releasing a cloud of smoke, a deep roar arose, the faces of the dead twisted with pain and the flesh crackled. The spectacle had an infernal quality and even the S.S. men remained petrified for a few moments, contemplating the marvel. Floss beamed. This fire was the finest day of his life.
When they had recovered from their stupor, the Germans gave expression to their joy and gratitude. Herbert Floss became a hero. An event like this had to be celebrated in a worthy manner. The Germans sent for tables, which were set up opposite the funeral pyre and covered with dozens of bottles of liquor, wine and beer. The dying day reflected the high flames of the funeral pyre, the sky glowed at the end of the plain where the sun was disappearing with a show of fire.
At a nod from Lalka, the corks popped. An extraordinary party began. The first toast was made to the Führer. The operators of the excavators had returned to their machines. When the S.S. men raised their glasses noisily, the excavators seemed to come to life and suddenly flung their long jointed arms toward the sky in a throbbing and jolting Nazi salute. It was like a signal; ten times the men raised their arms, each time shouting 'Heil Hitler.' The manlike machines returned the salute of the machinelike men, and the air rang with shouts of glory to the Führer. The party lasted until the funeral pyre was entirely consumed. After the toasts came the songs, savage and cruel, songs of hatred, songs of fury, songs of glory to Germany the eternal."
Even one hundred percent loyal advocates of the orthodox 'Holocaust' image have grasped that this sort of statement undermines the credibility of their position. Thus fourteen years later, the French Jew Pierre Vidal-Naquet, who in the beginning had expressed his "admiration" for Steiner 's book, suddenly spoke of "sub-literature" appealing to sadism and admitted that he had "walked into the snare set by J.-F. Steiner." Another French critic, Didier Daeningckx, devastatingly described Steiner 's book as "a false novel, which is presented as true" and which makes use of the "technique of parallel montage."
g. Krystyna Marczewska/Władysław Waźniewski
In 1968, an article appeared from the pen of two Polish historians, K. Marczewska and W. Waźniewski, about the knowledge of the Polish resistance movement in regard to Treblinka during the period of the war. The reports of the resistance published here are most valuable, indeed, as they help us in reconstructing how the official image of Treblinka evolved. We shall continuously refer to this in Chapter II.
h. Martin Gray
In 1971, the Polish-born French Jew Martin Gray published a book entitled Au nom de tous les miens (In the name of all of mine), in which he describes, inter alia, an alleged stay in Treblinka. Gray 's ghostwriter was his co-religionist Max Gallo, who interviewed this 'Treblinka survivor' and put his statements down on paper. In his introduction, Gallo wrote:
"We saw each other every day for months. [...] I questioned him; I made tape recordings; I observed him; I verified things; I listened to his voice and to his silences. I discovered the modesty of this man and his indomitable determination. I measured in his flesh the savagery and barbarism of the century that had produced Treblinka. [...] I rewrote, confronted the facts, sketched in the background, attempted to re-create the atmosphere."
As fruit of the collaboration between Gallo and Gray, a book emerged with passages such as the following:
"Sometimes we found living children among the warm bodies. Little children, still alive, clinging to their mothers' bodies. We strangled them with our own hands before throwing them into the grave. And we risked our lives doing it because we were wasting time. The butchers wanted everything to happen fast."
After Gray had survived Treblinka and the war in a miraculous manner, he emigrated to the USA, where, as he relates in his book, he became wealthy by the sale of fake antiques. After the publication of the English version of his book, he was - according to Robert Faurisson - "suspected of fabricating false memoirs, just as he had produced false antiques, in both instances not without the help of others and naturally for money." Even anti-revisionist authors like the French Jew Eric Conan, who speaks of a work "well-known to all historians of this epoch as fraudulent," have castigated M. Gray 's hackwork as a blatant falsification, but this does not change the fact that this unspeakable piece of trash - exactly like that of J.-F. Steiner - keeps reappearing in new editions in France and Germany.
i. Gitta Sereny
In 1974, the Hungarian-born British journalist Gitta Sereny published a book with the title Into that Darkness, which is lauded to the present day as the standard work dealing with Treblinka. Several times between April and June of 1971, Gitta Sereny had visited the second Kommandant of Treblinka Franz Stangl in prison and interviewed him. Stangl had been sentenced to life imprisonment by a Düsseldorf court in 1970. Sereny 's book is largely based upon these interviews (as well as upon those with three other SS-men who served at Treblinka during the war and with some former Jewish prisoners of the camp).
According to Gitta Sereny, Stangl confirmed the official picture of Treblinka in his conversations with her. But her book is totally worthless as an historical source, since the author cannot produce a trace of proof that Stangl actually made the statements ascribed to him; that is to say, a recorded protocol of the talks does not exist. On June 28, 1971, one day after the final visit of Sereny, Stangl suddenly died under unexplained circumstances, and because no denial was to be expected from a dead man, the author of Into that Darkness was able to put into his mouth whatever pleased her.
The French revisionist Pierre Guillaume recalls a discussion conducted with G. Sereny, which he described as follows:
"After we had seated ourselves at the table, ordered drinks, and exchanged the usual empty civilities, this is the gist of what I said to Gitta Sereny: 'I have read your book more than once, and many passages even several times. On the first reading, one cannot doubt the truth of the statements as well as the reality of the confessions of Stangl. But the more often I went through the text, the greater became my amazement, first of all, less on the basis of what I was reading than on the basis of the obvious absence of that, which one would have expected to find. Lastly, with the repeated and very precise readings of the passages where Stangl 'confesses,' my amazement increased even more, for without exception they were written in indirect or ambiguous style, so that it became impossible to distinguish in these passages between what Stangl had said and what Gitta Sereny had said.'
I made some significant facial expressions and then, quietly looking my conversational partner in the eye and giving emphasis to every single word, I said:
'In brief: he did not confess!'
'But of course not... he couldn't do it!'
Gitta Sereny was of the opinion that she had served a therapeutic and wholesome function with respect to Stangl, in that she was helping him to relieve his conscience by a confession, which was too terrible for him to have been able to make entirely alone. [...] Stangl, in fact, suddenly died in prison, very soon indeed after his 'confessions,' although he clearly enjoyed good health and had constantly denied the crimes imputed to him. He was awaiting his [appeal] trial, from which he - and his wife - were hoping for a favorable outcome."
We believe P. Guillaume every word. Upon reading of Gitta Sereny 's book one does indeed feel "amazement on the basis of the obvious absence of that, which one would have expected to find": In this poor work of over 400 pages, there is, to be sure, an abundance of stupefying psychological ruminations, yet not the slightest suggestion as to the practical process of the claimed mass murders in Treblinka, such as the manner of functioning of the gas chambers or the methods employed for the destruction without a trace of approximately 800,000 bodies. How can one even accept that a prisoner, who is hoping for a successful appeal of his verdict, would suddenly 'admit' to a journalist everything that he is denying in his application for appeal and which must inevitably destroy his hopes for a successful appeal? The much-vaunted 'standard work' about Treblinka therefore turns out to be a brazen fraud!
j. Stanisław Wojtczak
In 1975, the Pole Stanisław Wojtczak wrote a long article whose title, in English translation, is "The Penal and Labor Camp Treblinka I and the Extermination Center Treblinka II" and which contains a comprehensive collection of texts about this camp. The work presents a detailed summary of the investigations performed by the Polish authorities. The author had entry to the archives of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Hitler Crimes in Poland, which represents the approximate counterpart to the Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen (Central Office of the State Justice Administrations) in Ludwigsburg, Germany, and centralizes the entire documentation concerning various local judicial proceedings.
k. Adalbert Rückerl
A documentation with the title NS-Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutschen Strafprozesse (National-Socialist Extermination Camps in the Light of German Criminal Trials) appeared in 1977 in Germany, in which the criminal trials conducted by west-German penal courts against former members of the camp staff of Treblinka, Sobibór, Bełżec, and Chełmno are described. It was authored by Adalbert Rückerl, the former Director of the Zentrale Stelle. We will refer to this book several times.
l. Alexander Donat
In 1979 in the USA, Alexander Donat edited the anthology The Death Camp Treblinka. In addition to the text by Rachel Auerbach already mentioned, which had appeared in 1946 in Yiddish and was now published for the first time in English as "The Fields of Treblinka", this book also contained contributions of six other authors (Abraham Krzepicki, Jankiel Wiernik, Samuel Willenberg, Tanhum Grinberg, Shalom Cohen, and Samuel Rajzman). According to the introduction written by Donat himself, these reports were composed "without dramatization, embellishments, inventions, and hollow phrases." Just how seriously this promise is to be taken is shown not only by the fact that the impossible horror report by R. Auerbach is reproduced without commentary; additionally and inter alia, a text of Jankiel Wiernik, which we shall discuss in detail later, is cited as a serious source, which claims:
"When corpses of pregnant women were cremated, their bellies would burst open. The fetus would be exposed and could be seen burning inside the mother's womb."
In a review that appeared in 1981 in the Journal of Historical Review, Horst Kehl had this to say about Donat 's anthology:
"If it is impossible to tear a child in half; [...] if it is impossible to cram people into half a square foot each; if it is impossible to use women as kindling and scoop up buckets of human fat; if it is impossible to leap over a 9 feet high fence; just what other parts of this saga are true?"
m. The "Encyclopedic Informer" of the Main Commission
Likewise in the year 1979, the Polish Main Commission for the Investigation of Hitler Crimes published an "Encyclopedic informer" about the camps and prisons existing on Polish soil during the German occupation. With respect to the camp Treblinka II, only the works of Wiernik, Grossmann, and Łukaszkiewicz are cited in the bibliography besides trial files, archive documents, as well as the article about the reports of the underground movement by Marczewska/Waźniewski. This proves that in Poland as well no book about Treblinka appeared between 1946 and 1979 that can claim to have a scientific approach.
n. Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl et al.
In 1983, an authors collective, directed by E. Kogon, H. Langbein, and A. Rückerl, published the tome Nazi Mass Murder. In the introduction, the authors rail against "those who [...] deny the killing of millions of victims by gas" and their alleged "desire to defend the Nazi system," but specify neither authors nor titles. The fact that such deniers exist, the introduction goes on to say, "is sufficient to justify our intention to set down, in a precise and indisputable manner, the historical truth" This "historical truth" is "set down, in a precise and indisputable manner," mainly by means of eyewitness testimony and confessions of alleged perpetrators. An Abraham Goldfarb is one of the chief witnesses for the claimed mass murders in Treblinka, and the author cites him as follows:
"On the way to the gas chambers Germans with dogs stood along the fence on both sides. The dogs had been trained to attack people; they bit the men's genitals and the women's breasts, ripping off pieces of flesh. The Germans hit the people with whips and iron bars to spur them on, so that they would press forward into the 'showers' as quickly as possible. The screams of the women could be heard far away, even in the other parts of the camp. The Germans drove the running victims on with shouts of 'Faster, faster, the water is getting cold, and others still have to take a shower!' To escape from the blows, the victims ran to the gas chambers as quickly as they could, the stronger ones pushing the weaker ones aside. At the entrance to the gas chambers stood the two Ukrainians, Ivan Demaniuk  and Nikolai, one of them armed with an iron bar, the other with a sword. Even they drove the people inside with blows...
As soon as the gas chambers were full, the Ukrainians closed the doors and started the engine. Some twenty to twenty-five minutes later an SS man or a Ukrainian looked through a window in the door. When he had made sure that everyone had been asphyxiated, the Jewish prisoners had to open the doors and remove the corpses. Because the chambers were overcrowded and the victims had held on to one another, they were all standing upright and were like one single mass of flesh."
Since these kinds of witness statements clearly satisfied the authors, they did not make the least attempt to furnish material or documentary evidence for the claimed mass murder in Treblinka (or the other 'extermination camps').
o. Claude Lanzmann
In 1985, the nine-and-a-half-hour film Shoa debuted, shot by the French-Jewish director Claude Lanzmann. It pursued the aim of proving, on the basis of eyewitness narratives of 'Holocaust-survivors,' the annihilation of the Jews in 'extermination camps,' among them also Treblinka. In the introductory note to the book of the same name, which contains the entire spoken text of the film, Simone de Beauvoir wrote:
"After the war we read masses of accounts of the ghettos and the extermination camps, and we were devastated. But when, today, we see Claude Lanzmann's extraordinary film, we realize we have understood nothing. In spite of everything we knew, the ghastly experience remained remote from us. Now, for the first time, we live it in our minds, hearts and flesh. It becomes our experience."
In order to gain a notion of the standard of this film and of the book of the same title, we now reproduce an excerpt from the conversation in it between the director and his star eyewitness, the Treblinka barber Abraham Bomba. We are quoting here from the English translation:
"[Lanzmann:] How did it look, the gas chamber?
[Bomba] It was not a big room, around twelve feet by twelve feet. [...] And then one of the kapos came in and said: 'Barbers, you have to do a job to make all those women coming in believe that they are just taking a haircut and going in to take a shower, and from there they go out from this place.' We know already that there is no way of going out from this room [...]'
And suddenly you saw the women comming?
Yes, they came in.
How were they?
They were undressed, naked, without clothes, without anything else [...]
There were no mirrors?
No, there were no mirrors. There were just benches-not chairs, just benches-where we worked, about sixteen or seventeen barbers [...]
You said there were about sixteen barbers? You cut the hair of how many women in one batch?
In one day there was about, I would say, going into that place between sixty and seventy women in the same room at one time. After we were finished with this party, another party came in [...]"
Robert Faurisson comments about this:
"This part of the witness account of Bomba can be summarized as follows: In a room of 16 square meters, there are sixteen (or seventeen?) barbers as well as benches; sixty or seventy naked women, along with children whose number is not more closely given, enter the room. [...] This is impossible. This is even pure nonsense. [...] Human gullibility knows no limits. Due to the brainwashing, the generations-long propaganda conducted against German or Nazi barbarism, one can swallow everything, one can achieve that everything is swallow."
p. Yitzhak Arad
In 1987, the Israeli 'Holocaust expert' Yitzhak Arad made an attempt to scientifically document the extermination of the Jews in Treblinka as well as in the other 'eastern extermination camps' in the book Bełżec, Sobibor, Treblinka. The Operation Reinhard Death Camps. But even many footnotes are unable to disguise the fact that Arad 's claims of exterminations are based exclusively upon those eyewitness narratives whose worth we can easily appraise after the examples, which have been cited up to this point. Arad 's book, which is generally considered today to be the standard work about Treblinka as well as the two other 'camps of Operation Reinhardt,' contains blatant impossibilities. For example, Arad writes about the "old gas chambers" of the camp in this manner:
"At the entrance to the gas chambers stood two Ukrainians, Ivan Demianuk and Nikolai, one armed with an iron bar and the other with a sword, and they, too, urged the people on with blows to push their way in - 200-250 in a chamber of 16 square meters. [...]
There were instances when the gas chambers were opened too early and the victims were still alive; the doors would have to be closed again. The engines that produced and fed the gas into the chambers also broke down, causing stoppages in the extermination operation. Breakdowns of this nature also occurred when the victims were already inside the gas chambers, and they would then be held there for long hours until the engines had been repaired."
Under the unrealistic assumption that it was possible to pen up 200 to 250 people in a chamber sixteen square meters in size (and 2.6 m high) without fresh air supply, the pitiable victims would certainly not have had to wait out "long hours" when there were engine breakdowns, since they would have suffocated a long time before that; one would therefore have been able to spare the engine.
q. Ryszard Czarkowski
In 1989, a book appeared in Poland entitled Cieniom Treblinki ([dedicated to] The Shadows of Treblinka). The author, a Ryszard Czarkowski, had been interned in the labor camp Treblinka I during the war, barely three kilometers from the 'extermination camp' Treblinka II. According to the introduction to this work, the prisoners of the labor camp were able to observe the process of mass murders in the adjacent 'extermination camp,' since "there were contacts of labor between the two centers."
Czarkowski criticizes Z. Łukaszkiewicz because of the number of Treblinka victims, 800,000, given by the latter; by means of eyewitness narratives as well as some counts of the deportation trains, he determines the number of murdered to be 1,582,000.
The question of how 1,582,000 bodies might have been disposed of without a trace evidently gives him as little occasion for reflection as does the question of why Stalinist Polish historiography and judiciary of the post-war years should have reduced the number of Treblinka victims down to half of what he claims to be true, and are thus supposed to have minimized the National Socialist crimes in a scandalous way.
r. J. Gumkowski and A. Rutkowski
The work Treblinka, written by J. Gumkowski and A. Rutkowski, has no date, but it can be said with certainty that it appeared after the already mentioned books by Y. Arad and R. Czarkowski. It is of definite value, since it contains a selection of documents and photographs from the archives of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against the Polish People (formerly the Main Commission for the Investigation of Hitler Crimes in Poland).
s. Wolfgang Benz
In 1991, an authors collective directed by Wolfgang Benz published the anthology Dimension des Völkermords (Dimension of Genocide) in response to the demographic study The Dissolution of Eastern European Jewry by Walter Sanning, which had appeared eight years earlier and according to which the total loss of Jewry in the areas controlled by Germany during the Second World War amounted only to several hundred thousands. Benz and his co-authors defend the usual figure of about six million Jewish victims. With respect to Treblinka, Benz repeats the victims number of 1,074,000 as given by Rachel Auerbach in 1946, since this "seems more realistic to us than the demonstrable minimal number." That the authors collective classifies Rachel Auerbach 's work, according to which blood in Treblinka proved to be "first-class combustion material," as a serious source, already says much about the quality of this collection. Germar Rudolf, who compared the works of Sanning and Benz and has demonstrated the blatant demographic manipulations of the Benz team, comments in this regard:
"Thus, Treblinka with its more than one million victims is weighted more heavily in Benz's analysis than Auschwitz is - a completely new trend in Holocaust studies."
As Rudolf correctly points out, this raising of the number of Treblinka victims serves the purpose of enabling the sacrosanct six-million-figure to be maintained despite the drastic lowering of the number of victims of Auschwitz, which has occurred in recent years.
t. Richard Glazar
In 1992, forty-nine years after the dissolution of Treblinka, the Jew Richard Glazar published his 'eyewitness narrative' Trap with a green fence. Yet although, according to the official version of Treblinka summarized in the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, the Jewish prisoners "were killed after working in the camps for several weeks or months, to be replaced by new arrivals from the transports," Glazar by his own account spent a full ten months in that camp, from October 1942 until August 1943. His account of his 'personal experiences' is a cobbled-together plagiarism from diverse tales of other 'Treblinka survivors.' One of the sources, from which he took his inspiration, is a 1986 book by Samuel Willenberg, first published in Hebrew and then in English in 1989. There, for example, one reads about the Greek Jews who arrived in Treblinka in the spring of 1943:
"Early in spring of 1943 the whistle of a train heralded the arrival of a new shipment. A slightly strange crowd spilled out - people with dark faces, curly, raven-black hair, and a foreign tongue on their lips. The suitcases taken out of the wagons bore labels reading 'Saloniki'. Word that Jews from Greece had arrived spread around the camp like lightning. [...] Every last one of them exited the cars in a state of total calm. [... The SS-man] Mitte found three Greeks with a command of German and drafted them as interpreters."
In Glazar's book, this is described as follows:
"People climb calmly out of the cars, without pushing, without crowding. [...] Apparently they have been in quarantine too. [...] Their faces look healthy, and they have an unusual dark complexion. Black hair - all I see black to pitch-black hair. [...] I can hear that the people are speaking a completely foreign language."
"Three were chosen from this transport. [...] They can speak a little, a very little German. Through them the others were informed that everything had to be disinfected, that they would go to a bath to be disinfected, and then they would be sent to work."
The author makes two colossal blunders: First he has the burning of the bodies begin "one overcast November afternoon" in 1942, although the standard literature unanimously claims that the incineration of corpses did not start before March/April 1943. Next he claims that he was part of Treblinka's "camouflage commando":
"There are a few here, until now the only ones, who have been allowed to work in contact with nature, to see the camp of death from the outside, [...] when they are driven out of the camp and into the forest, when they break branches off pine trees and collect them, [...]. But in the camouflage commando they only keep workers who are fit enough to climb high up into the trees and trot back to camp carrying heavy bundles of branches. They weave these branches into strands of barbed wire, thus maintaining the camouflage green around the entire perimeter of the camp"
"The camouflage unit is the only one of the old work squads that still has enough real work to do. There is so much exterior and interior fencing that there are always repairs to be made. And if there are no repairs, then the camouflage unit is well suited for the forestry work in the vicinity of the camp - for clearing and cutting. Several times a day [...] some part of the twenty-five man unit has to go out into the forest, climb into the trees, harvest large branches, and carry them back into the camp, where they will be used for repairs. The other part of the unit straightens and firms up the posts, tightens the barbed wire, and weaves the new pine boughs into the fence until there are no longer any gaps in the dense green wall. [...] We are the camouflage unit. [...]
From climbing into the trees and breaking off branches, Karl and I have scratches on our hands and faces."
Thus, according to Richard Glazar, 25 inmates were the only ones in Treblinka who were able to leave the camp, to work in the forests, to do real hard work, and to supply the camp with its needs of wood. If there ever was a massive need for firewood in Treblinka to cremate corpses, covered by inmates sent into the forests to fell trees, these activities would have yielded millions of branches, which would have rendered the tree-climbing activities of the camouflage unit obsolete. But apparently Glazar opines that no such tree-felling occurred during his time in the camp. All Glazar, the lumberjack of Treblinka, knows about how the corpses were allegedly incinerated is the following:
"You have to build big bonfires and put a lot of kindling in among the corpses, and then douse the whole thing in something very flammable."
u. Jean-Claude Pressac
In 1995, the French magazine Historama published an article by Jean-Claude Pressac, a researcher who, to be sure, considered the gas chambers to be an historical fact but who - in comparison with the other representatives of the official version of history - clearly maintained a relatively critical attitude toward witness testimonies. In his contribution, Pressac was chiefly concerned with Auschwitz, but he also took up the subject of Treblinka, Sobibór, and Bełżec. In contrast to the conventional historiography, according to which these camps were set up exclusively for the extermination of Jews, Pressac opines that they were originally established as transit or as delousing camps and only later were converted into extermination camps. We shall examine this thesis of Pressac more closely in another chapter.
Likewise in 1995, Pressac granted an interview to a Valérie Igounet, which was first published as late as 2000, with changes made according to Pressac's wishes. In it, Pressac denounced the official account of the concentrations camps as being distinguished by "bungling, exaggeration, omission, and lies," and he determined that the concept of 'genocide' for the National Socialist policy against the Jewish is uncalled for. He also posited a drastic reduction in the number of victims in the 'pure extermination camps,' among them Treblinka.
After what has been said to this point, our judgment with respect to the picture of the camp drawn by the orthodox historians must be a devastating one: the few works that proceed scientifically support their claims without exception with unreliable sources; the bunglings of brazen liars are accepted as classics of the Treblinka literature. In short: the value of the official historiography about the camp is wretchedly insignificant!
2. Treblinka in Revisionist Literature
a. Treblinka and the Gerstein Report
Because the official historiography dealing with the 'Holocaust' has from the very beginning focused upon Auschwitz, the revisionists, who had to confront their opponents on the field chosen by the latter, have likewise concentrated quite predominantly upon the concentration camp Auschwitz and devoted significantly less attention to Treblinka.
Treblinka was at least touched upon by some revisionist authors in connection with the so-called 'Gerstein Report.' The alleged confessions of the SS-officer Kurt Gerstein, who according to his 'confessions' visited Bełżec and Treblinka in the year 1942, are considered to be one of the supporting pillars of the 'Holocaust.' In Bełżec, Gerstein purports to have attended a gassing of people, the description of which, however, abounds in impossibilities: thus, he claims that in the gas chamber 700 to 800 victims were crammed together in "25 square meters, in 45 cubic meters"!
The Frenchman Paul Rassinier, former resistance fighter, prisoner in the concentration camps Buchenwald and Dora-Mittlebau, as well as founder of Revisionism, has pointed out the dubiousness of the Gerstein Report in his 1964 book Le Drame des Juifs Européens and stressed its worthlessness as an historical source. Another French researcher, Henri Roques, has proved in his 1989 doctoral dissertation that not fewer than six versions of the Gerstein Report exist, deviating from one another substantially in parts. However, since Gerstein described a gassing event in Bełżec and not in Treblinka, the studies of Rassinier and Roques demolish above all the credibility of his statements about the former camp. In contrast to the two French historians, Carlo Mattogno dealt more in depth with Treblinka in his 1985 work Il rapporto Gerstein, Anatomia di un falso, which is also devoted to the Gerstein Report. In it, Mattogno suggested that "the myth about the gas chambers prevailed only relatively" regarding Treblinka because in 1943, in the Black Book of Polish Jewry, steam chambers for the extermination of the Jews were spoken of, and the same method of killing was still mentioned in the December 1945 Nuremberg Document PS-3311, produced by the Polish government. Only in February 1946, according to Mattogno, did the Jewish witness Samuel Rajzman speak of gas chambers before the Nuremberg Court.
Up to the present time, mainly four revisionist authors have led a massive assault against the foundations of the official picture of Treblinka: Friedrich P. Berg, John C. Ball, Udo Walendy, and Arnulf Neumaier, of which the first two authors have investigated important individual aspects of the question, while the latter two have made a comprehensive attack upon the current version of Treblinka.
b. Friedrich P. Berg
In 1984, the graduate Engineer F.P. Berg published a trail-blazing article in the Journal of Historical Review, entitled: "The Diesel Gas Chambers: Myth within a Myth," in which he subjected the diesel engine claimed as a murder weapon for Treblinka, Sobibór, and Bełżec to technical and toxicological examination. An expanded German translation appeared in 1994 in the anthology Grundlagen zur Zeitgeschichte. In the English edition of the last-named work, Dissecting the Holocaust, last published in the year 2003, Berg 's contribution appeared in a further revised and improved version.
In his study, Berg proved that diesel exhaust gases are unthinkably poorly suited for the mass killing of human beings because of their high oxygen content and their very low content of carbon monoxide (CO); a gasoline engine would be far more efficient. We shall return to this topic in connection with the critique of witness testimonies in Chapter IV.
Berg 's study shook the current version of Treblinka, Sobibór, and Bełżec right to the very foundations. If the Germans had really succeeded in gassing approximately 1.72 million Jews in these three camps in record time and in removing all trace of their bodies, they would have to have been technical geniuses, and such geniuses would certainly not have resorted to that sort of inefficient weapon of murder. The objection that perhaps the instrument of the crime had been a gasoline engine would be untenable, for the witnesses of the gassing claim that the exhaust gases had been produced by the engines of captured Russian tanks, and the Russian tanks of the Second World War were primarily driven by diesel engines. The updated German edition of the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust maintains, plainly and clearly:
"Bełżec, Sobibór, and Treblinka were built within the framework of the Operation Reinhardt (so called from June of 1942) of the murder campaign against, above all, the Jews from the General Gouvernement. These extermination camps used carbon monoxide gas, which was produced by diesel engines."
Whoever may object that the witnesses had possibly made false statements in regard to the weapon of the crime is simultaneously discrediting, along with the credibility of the witness testimony, the entire picture of the 'eastern extermination camps,' which is based exclusively upon just these witness statements!
c. John C. Ball
No less important than the technical and toxicological investigations of Berg are the analyses of Allied and German photographs, which were taken during the war over the 'extermination camps,' among them also Treblinka. These analyses were performed by the Canadian professional air photo interpreter John C. Ball and presented in 1992 in his book Air Photo Evidence. We will also return to these photographs.
d. Udo Walendy
The German political scientist Udo Walendy, editor and publisher of the German historiographic series Historische Tatsachen (historical facts), has dealt with Treblinka in two issues of this periodical. No. 12 from 1982 analyzes, inter alia, the trial conducted in Düsseldorf in 1964/1965 against former members of the staff of the Treblinka camp. In it, Walendy acutely attacks the legal basis of this trial and exposes numerous absurdities in the arguments supporting the verdict. We reproduce an excerpt from his commentary here:
"50 SS-men manage, with the assistance of a tank engine, to kill approximately 700,000 people within a year and remove all traces. That is 14,000 per SS-guard, or just 40 per day, a total for all 50 of 2,000 per day. But wait: according to other claims [...], it was supposed to be 8,000 or 30,000 daily! Note well: per day!
With all this, these people still had time to pause for sadistic atrocities and continually invent new ones, with and without riding crops. To be sure, the normal life of the camp broke down, but obviously everything functioned, from the disinfection of the cut-off women's hair, to the separation of the Stars of David from the clothing, from the burning of the bodies, which had already been buried in large mass-pits, to the total elimination of all traces, including sifting of the ashes, crushing of the bones, and the mixing of the ashes with the soil as well as the leveling of the whole camp. [...] Neither attorneys nor experts, jurors, judges, 'historians' or newspaper writers have burdened themselves to worry about any of the technical impossibilities that are becoming obvious here - and add to this in the midst of war, with a 50-man German guard detachment ."
Issue no. 44 of the Historische Tatsachen, which appeared eight years later, was devoted exclusively to the camp Treblinka and thus was also called "Der Fall Treblinka" (The Treblinka Case). In the beginning, Walendy cited passages from W. Grossmann 's grotesque writing Die Hölle von Treblinka (The Hell of Treblinka) and subsequently dealt with the following topics:
- The Black Book, published in 1946 by the World Jewish Congress, claims that three million people had been murdered in Treblinka by means of "assembly-line execution";
- The contradictions in the standard literature regarding the geographical information given about Treblinka as well as between the various sketches produced by 'eyewitnesses';
- The lack of credibility of witness statements;
- An analysis of air photographs refuting extermination claims.
No. 44 of the Historische Tatsachen represented the most thorough and comprehensive critique made up to that point of the orthodox Treblinka version. In gratitude to his efforts to discover the historical truth, Walendy was later locked up for over two years in a German jail.
e. Arnulf Neumaier
Since the official Treblinka version stands or falls with the possibility of the elimination of the bodies without trace by the method and manner asserted by the witnesses, Neumaier 's calculations in regard to this are especially important.
In 1994, as part of the anthology Grundlagen zur Zeitgeschichte, an outstanding article appeared entitled "Der Treblinka-Holocaust," written by the graduate Engineer Arnulf Neumaier. A translation with the title "The Treblinka Holocaust" appeared in the English version of the same book. In it, the author subjected the technical prerequisites for the claimed extermination of Jews in Treblinka to a comprehensive examination. He took up Berg 's arguments against the viability of the alleged mass murder by means of diesel exhaust and brought up additional aspects, made reference to the massive contradictions of the witness statements, which name several entirely different methods of killing, and in particular turned to the subject of the disposal of the bodies.
f. The Thesis of the Transit Camp
The revisionist studies mentioned to this point have restricted themselves exclusively to refuting the official picture of Treblinka as an "extermination camp." An alternative interpretation of its function has not appeared in these studies, which of course is the direct consequence of the complete lack of contemporary documents. Yet some notable revisionist authors have proposed the thesis that Treblinka was a transit camp for Jews. The American scholar Prof. Dr. Arthur R. Butz suggested in his revisionist classic The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, which appeared for the first time in 1976, that Treblinka simultaneously served as a labor camp as well as a transit camp for Jews resettled to the east, and Prof. Robert Faurisson also supports the transit camp thesis.
Finally, US historian Mark Weber, together with US lawyer Andrew Allen, wrote an excellent article about Treblinka in 1992, in which the two authors summarized all the familiar arguments made to that point in time against the thesis of the 'extermination camp,' introduced new viewpoints in the field, and wrote concerning the actual nature of the camp:
"If Treblinka was not an extermination center, what was it? [...] the balance of evidence indicates that Treblinka II - along with Belzec and Sobibor - was a transit camp, where Jewish deportees were stripped of their property and valuables before being transferred eastwards into German-occupied Soviet territories."
Since Treblinka was much too small to be able to accommodate the large number of Jews deported there at the same time, the transit camp thesis is, in fact, the single plausible alternative to the conventional picture of the extermination camp. Tertium non datur - no third possibility is given.
|||GARF 7021-115-8, pp. 168-203.|
|||V. Grossman, L'enfer de Treblinka, B. Arthaud, Grenoble and Paris 1945. The text is also found in: Le Livre Noir, Textes et témoignages, Ilja Ehrenburg, Vassili Grossman (eds.), Actes Sudes, Arles 1995, pp. 868-903. The latter book represents the translation of a Russian document, which was prohibited by the Soviet government in 1947 before its planned publication and which was first published in 1993 in Vilnius (Lithuania).|
|||Published by Wydawnictwo Literatura Polska, Kattowitz 1945.|
|||Die Vernichtungslager Maidanek und Treblinka, Stern-Verlag, Vienna 1945.|
|||"Der Fall Treblinka," Verlag für Volkstum und Zeitgeschichtsforschung, Vlotho 1990.|
|||Polish form of address corresponding to English "Sir" or "Mister" - Translator's note.|
|||Rachel Auerbach, "In the Fields of Treblinka," in: A. Donat, op. cit. (note 4), pp. 19-73.|
|||Ibid., p. 40.|
|||Out of consideration for the allied communist East German state later renamed to 'Main Commission for the Investigation of Hitlerite Crimes in Poland' and, after the collapse of the Communist regime, to 'Main Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish People.'|
|||Zdzisław Łukaszkiewicz, "Obóz zagłady Treblinka," in Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, no. 1, Posen 1946, pp. 133-144.|
|||More often spelled as Rajman.|
|||This witness later called himself Yehiel Reichman(n). He appeared as prosecution witness against John Demjanjuk at the Jerusalem trial. Cf. Chapter V.|
|||Z. Łukaszkiewicz, op. cit. (note 32), p. 133.|
|||Later three gas chambers were spoken of at first.|
|||Z. Łukaszkiewicz, op. cit. (note 32) p. 142.|
|||Z. Łukaszkiewicz, Obóz straceń w Treblince, Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, Warsaw 1946.|
|||See Chapter III c.|
|||"Treblinka," in: Wydawnictwo Centralnej Żydowskiej Komisji Historycznej (ed.), Dokumenty i Materiały. Tom I: Obozy, revised by N. Blumental, Lodz 1946, pp. 173-195.|
|||Polish charges against German War Criminals, submitted to the United Nations War Crimes Commission by Dr. Marian Muszkat, Warsaw 1948. Treblinka is discussed on pp. 187-196.|
|||Ibid., p. 194.|
|||Ibid., p. 195.|
|||See Chapter V.|
|||That his book amounts to a novel and that the novelist Gilles Perrault helped him with his written record, Steiner admitted 20 years after the first publication of Treblinka (Le journal du dimanche, March 30, 1986.) Reference from Robert Faurisson.|
|||Published by Librairie Arthème Fayard, Paris.|
|||Jean-François Steiner, Treblinka, Simon and Schuster, New York 1967.|
|||Ibid., pp. 352-355.|
|||"Treblinka et l'Honneur des Juifs," Le Monde, May 2, 1966. Reference from R. Faurisson.|
|||Esprit, September 1980. Reference from R. Faurisson.|
|||"De Treblinka à Bordeaux," Revue de la Shoa, May-August 1999. Reference from R. Faurisson.|
|||Krystyna Marczewska, Władysław Waźniewski, "Treblinka w swietle Akt Delegatury Rządu RP na Kraji" (Treblinka in the Light of the Files of the Delegation of the Government of the Polish Republic for the Nation) in: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce, Vol. XIX, Warsaw 1968, pp. 129-164.|
|||Editions Robert Laffont, Paris. English translation: For Those I Loved, Boston, Little, Brown 1972. The English edition is cited subsequently.|
|||Ibid., Max Gallo's Foreword, p. ixf;|
|||Ibid., p. 139.|
|||Robert Faurisson, Ecrits révisionnistes (1974-1998), private edition, 1999, Vol. I, p. 376.|
|||L'Express, February 27, 1997. Reference from R. Faurisson.|
|||McGraw-Hill, New York.|
|||So in the latest German version, Am Abgrund, Piper, Munich 1995.|
|||Pierre Guillaume, "Les bonnes intentions dont l'enfer est pavé," in Annales d'Histoire Révisionniste, no. 5, Summer/Fall 1988, pp. 189f.|
|||Stanisław Wojtczak, "Karny obóz pracy Treblinka I i osrodek zagłady Treblinka II," in: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce, Warsaw 1975, XXVI, pp. 117-185.|
|||Adalbert Rückerl, NS-Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse, German version, Frankfurt 1977.|
|||In: A. Donat, op. cit. (note 4), p. 170.|
|||Horst Kehl, "'Holocaust' Pharmacology vs. Scientific Pharmacology," in: Journal of Historical Review, Vol. 2, no. 1, Spring 1981, p. 95.|
|||Główna Komisja Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polce (ed.), Obozy hitlerowski na ziemiach polskich 1939-1945. Informator encyklopedyczny, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw 1979, p. 528.|
|||E. Kogon, H. Langbein, A. Rückerl, et al. (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder, Yale University Press, New Haven 1993, p. 1f.|
|||Ibid., p. 126f.|
|||Correct spelling: Demjanjuk. See Chapter V.|
|||Claude Lanzmann, Shoa, éditions Fayard, Paris 1985; English edition, Shoa, DaCapo Press, New York 1995, Foreword, p. vii.|
|||Shoa, English edition, pp. 112-116.|
|||R. Faurisson, Ecrits révisionnistes, op. cit. (note 56), Vol. II, pp. 558f.|
|||Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. The Operation Reinhard Death Camps, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis 1987, p. 86f.|
|||According to Arad, the gas chambers were that high (ibid., p. 42).|
|||See Chapter IV.|
|||See Chapter II.|
|||Ryszard Czarkowski, Cieniom Treblinki, Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Oborony Narodowey, Warsaw 1989, p. 5.|
|||See Chapter III.|
|||J. Gumkowski , A. Rutkowski, Treblinka, published by the Council for Protection of Fight and Martyrdom Monuments, Warsaw, without date.|
|||Walter Sanning, The Dissolution of Eastern European Jewry, I.H.R., Torrance 1983.|
|||Wolfgang Benz (ed.), Dimension des Völkermords. Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, R. Olderbourg Verlag, Munch 1991, p. 468.|
|||Germar Rudolf, "Holocaust Victims: A Statistical Analysis · W. Benz and W. N. Sanning - A Comparison," in: Germar Rudolf (ed.), Dissecting the Holocaust, 2nd edition, Theses & Dissertations Press, Chicago, IL, 2003, p. 202.|
|||Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, op. cit. (note 18), as cited on p. 16.|
|||Samuel Willenberg, Revolt in Treblinka, Żydówski Instytut Historyczny, Warsaw 1989, pp. 104f. Almost identical (the SS man is called Miete, though): Samuel Willenberg, Surviving Treblinka, Basil Blackwell, Oxford/New York 1989, p. 113.|
|||Richard Glazar, Trap with a green fence, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, IL, 1995, p. 89, 93.|
|||Ibid., p. 29.|
|||Ibid., p. 56.|
|||Ibid., p. 127f.|
|||See Chapter IV.12.f. for details. Even if such a camouflage unit existed, it sure would have felled trees and cut the branches then instead of having some guys climb up trees. Such an activity is ridiculous.|
|||J.-C. Pressac, "Enquête sur les camps de la morte," in: Historama, no. 34, 1995.|
|||See Chapter IX.|
|||Valérie Igounet, Histoire du négationnisme en France, Editions du Seuil, Paris 2000.|
|||Ibid., p. 641.|
|||See Chapter III.|
|||Paul Rassinier, Le drame des juifs européens, Les sept couleurs, Paris 1964.|
|||Henri Roques, "Les confessions de Kurt Gerstein, étude comparative des six versions," in: André Chelain, La thèse de Nantes et l'affaire Roques, Polémiques, Paris 1988.|
|||Carlo Mattogno, Il rapporto Gerstein, Anatomia di un falso, Sentinella d'Italia, Monfalcone 1985, pp. 167ff.|
|||Journal of Historical Review 5 (1), 1984, pp. 15-46.|
|||Friedrich P. Berg, "Die Diesel-Gaskammern: Mythos im Mythos" in: E. Gauss (ed.), Grundlagen zur Zeitgeschichte, Grabert Verlag, Tübingen 1994, pp. 321-345.|
|||Friedrich P. Berg, "Diesel Gas Chambers: Ideal for Torture - Absurd for Murder," in: G. Rudolf (ed.), op. cit. (note ), pp. 435-469.|
|||According to the 81cyclopedia of the Holocaust (note 18) 870,000 in Treblinka, 600,000 in Bełżec as well as 250,000 in Sobibór.|
|||Eberhard Jäckel, Peter Longerich, Julius H. Schoeps (eds.), Enzyklopädie des Holocaust. Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden, 3 vols., Argon Verlag, Berlin 1993, entries for "Aktion Reinhard," vol. 1, p. 15 "Benzin oder Dieselmotoren" (gasoline or diesel engines), "Bełżec", vol. 1, p. 176 "Dieselmotor mit 250 PS" (diesel engine with 250 hp), "Sobibor", vol. 3, p. 1332 "200 PS-Motor" (engine with 200 hp), "Treblinka", vol. 3, p. 1428 "Dieselmotor" (diesel engine), "Gaskammer" (gas chamber), vol. 1, p. 505 "Dieselauspuffgas [...] in den Vernichtungslagern im Generalgouvernement" (diesel exhaust gas... in the extermination camps in the General Gouvernement) and "Vernichtungslager" (extermination camps), vol. 3, p. 1496: "These extermination camps [Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka] used carbon monoxide gas produced by Diesel engines." According to this source, the Sobibor camp (250,000 victims) is the only case where there is any uncertainty regarding the engine type. In Bełżec (600,000 victims) and Treblinka (700,000 to 1,200,000 victims) they were definitely Diesel engines; the entries of English version of this Encyclopedia are identical for the individuals camps, for "gas chamber," and for "Aktion Reinhard" (AR: vol. 1, p. 16; B: vol. 1, p. 175; GC: col. 2, p. 540; S: vol. 3, p. 1375; T: vol. 3, p. 1483), but the entry for "extermination camps" says "gasoline or diesel engine", vol. 2, p. 462. The gasoline engine was appartently edited out by the German editors to be compliant with witness statements and court findings, but they forgot to remove the Aktion Reinhardt entry.|
|||John C. Ball, Air Photo Evidence, Ball Resource Services, Delta, B.C. 1992. An abridged version appears in: Germar Rudolf (ed.), Dissecting the Holocaust, op. cit. (note 81), pp. 269-282.|
|||"'NSG-Prozeß' Treblinka" in: Historische Tatsachen no. 12 ("Das Recht, in dem wir leben"), Vlotho 1982, pp. 28-32.|
|||Ibid., p. 30.|
|||Historische Tatsachen no. 44, "Der Fall Treblinka", Vlotho 1990.|
|||Cf. Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung, 1(2) (1997), p. 126, and 2(4) (1998), p. 327; all in all, U. Walendy had to sit in prison for 29 months.|
|||Arnulf Neumaier, "Der Treblinka-Holocaust," in: Ernst Gauss (ed.), op. cit. (note 98), p. 347-374.|
|||In: Germar Rudolf (ed.), Dissecting the Holocaust, op. cit. (note 81), pp. 471-500.|
|||Arthur R. Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, 3rd ed., Theses and Dissertations Press, Chicago, IL 2003, p. 270.|
|||Robert Faurisson, Ecrits révisonnnistes, op. cit. (note 56), pp. 754f. (Volume II).|
|||Mark Weber, Andrew Allen, "Treblinka," in: Journal Historical Review, no. 2, Summer 1992, p. 139.|