Chapter VI: National-Socialist Policy of Jewish Emigration
Since Adolf Hitler 's assumption of power, the National-Socialist policy toward the Jews was consistently that of pursuing their 'removal' from Germany.
On August 28, 1933, the Ministry of Economics of the Reich concluded the so-called 'Haavara Agreement' with the Jewish Agency for Palestine, an economic agreement that was supposed to form the foundation for the emigration of approximately 52,000 German Jews to Palestine up to the year 1942. Up until the outbreak of the Second World War and indeed even after its start - as long as circumstances permitted it - the emigration of Jews into all nations prepared to accept them was the leitmotif of the National-Socialist policy. This is confirmed by a report of the Foreign Ministry of January 25, 1939, which bore the title: "Die Judenfrage als Faktor der Außenpolitik im Jahre 1938" (The Jewish question as a factor of foreign policy in 1938):
"The final goal of German policy regarding the Jews is the emigration of all Jews living in the territory of the Reich."
On the previous day, the 25th of January 1939, Hermann Göring had issued a decree, which approved the establishment of a 'Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration.' Reinhard Heydrich was put in charge of it. In the first line, Göring summarized the basic principle of the NS policy vis-a-vis the Jews:
"The emigration of the Jews out of Germany is to be promoted by all means."
The Reich Central Office mentioned had the mission of "effecting all measures for the preparation of an intensified emigration of the Jews," of promoting preferential emigration of poor Jews and, lastly, of facilitating the bureaucratic practices for individual persons.
On June 24, 1940, Heydrich asked Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop to be informed about possible ministerial meetings regarding the 'final solution of the Jewish question.' The German wording of this phrase, upon which so much print has been expended and about which so much disinformation has been propagated, is "Endlösung der Judenfrage." Heydrich gave these reasons for his request:
"The Herr General Field Marshall, in his capacity as delegate for the Four-year plan, charged me in the year 1939 with the execution of Jewish emigration from the entire territory of the Reich. In the period that followed we have managed, despite great difficulties and even during the war, in successfully continuing the Jewish emigration.
Since taking on the task through my administrative office on January 1, 1939, up to now more than 200,000 Jews have emigrated out of the territory of the Reich. - there are already approximately 31/4 million Jews in the territories subjected to German sovereignty - can, however, no longer be solved .
A territorial final solution thus is becoming necessary."
As a result of this letter, the Foreign Ministry devised the so-called Madagascar Plan. On July 3, 1940, Franz Rademacher, Director of the Jewish Department in the Foreign Ministry, composed a report entitled "Die Judenfrage im Friedensvertrage" (The Jewish Question in the Peace Treaty), which begins with the following declaration:
"The approaching victory gives Germany the possibility and, in my opinion, the duty as well of solving the Jewish problem in Europe. The most desirable solution of all is: all Jews out of Europe."
Rademacher explained that with the peace treaty - regarded as imminent - with France, the latter would give up the island of Madagascar as a mandate territory, to which all European Jews would be deported and which would form an autonomous state under the control of Germany:
"The island will be transferred to Germany as a mandate. [...] Other than that, the Jews obtain self-government in this territory: their own mayors, their own police, their own post office and rail administration etc. The Jews will be liable as co-debtors for the value of the whole island."
The project was approved by Ribbentrop and was referred to the Reichssicherheitshauptamt, which was supposed to be responsible for the technical preparations for the resettlement of the Jews onto the east African island and the supervision of the evacuated Jews.
It was just this, which was the "territorial final solution" of the Jewish question, which Heydrich had in mind.
2. The Madagascar Plan
On August 30, 1940, Rademacher prepared the note "Madagaskar-Projekt," in which the section "Finanzierung" (Financing) begins with the following words:
"The execution of the proposed final solution requires substantial means."
The 'final solution of the Jewish question' therefore meant nothing other than the resettlement of the European Jews to Madagascar. On July 12, 1940, Hans Frank, Governor General of Poland, gave a speech, in which he made known the decision
"to deport the whole kindred of Jewry in the German Reich, in the General Gouvernement, and in the Protectorate within the shortest time imaginable after the conclusion of peace to an African or American colony. Madagascar is being considered, which is supposed to be ceded by France for this purpose."
On July 25, Frank repeated that the Führer had decided to deport the Jews,
"as soon as the overseas traffic permits the possibility of the transportation of the Jews."
In October 1940, Alfred Rosenberg wrote an article entitled "Juden auf Madagaskar" (Jews on Madagascar), in which he recalled that already at the anti-Jewish Congress of Budapest in 1927
"[...] the question of a future forced evacuation of the Jews out of Europe [was] discussed, and the proposal surfaced for the first time here of promoting Madagascar as the future home of the Jews."
Rosenberg took up the proposal and expressed his wish that "Jewish high-finance" of the USA and Great Britain might also contribute to the establishment of a 'Jewish reservation' on Madagascar, which in his opinion constituted "a world problem."
At the conference whose theme was "The Jewish Question as World Problem," which took place on March 29, 1941, Rosenberg declared:
"For Germany, the Jewish issue will be solved only when the last Jew has departed the territory of greater Germany."
He mentioned in this connection a "Jewish reservation," which - even though Rosenberg did not expressly say it - was obviously supposed to be located on Madagascar.
According to the testimony of Moritz von Schirmeister, a former official in the Propaganda Ministry, Josef Goebbels also spoke about the Madagascar Plan several times, and Ribbentrop recalled the decision of the Führer to deport the European Jews to north Africa or Madagascar. This was no idle pipe-dream, but rather a very real and concrete project. Parallel to this, the authorities of the Reich kept promoting the Jewish emigration mainly out of Germany by all means.
On May 20, 1941, in expectation of the execution of the Madagascar Plan, which, so it was thought, was imminent, Heydrich prohibited Jewish emigration from France and Belgium "in view of the undoubted approaching final solution of the Jewish problem." But Heydrich nevertheless repeated the central principle of the NS policy toward the Jews:
"In conformity with a communication from the Reichsmarschall of the Greater German Reich [Göring], the emigration of the Jews from the territory of the Reich, including the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, is to be carried out and even intensified during the war within the limits of the existing possibilities with attention to the guidelines set up for the emigration of the Jews."
Heydrich then unambiguously explained the reasons for the prohibition of Jewish emigration from France and Belgium:
"Since there exist, for example, only insufficient travel possibilities for the Jews out of the Reich territory, chiefly across Spain and Portugal, an emigration of Jews from France and Belgium would mean a renewed decrease of the same."
Two months after that, on July 31, Göring entrusted Heydrich with the mission to effect all necessary preparations for the 'final solution,' i.e. the emigration or evacuation of all Jews located in the German sphere of influence, to Madagascar. In his letter we read:
"As supplement to the task already delegated to you with the order of Jan. 14, '39, of bringing the Jewish problem to the most favorable solution consistent with the circumstances and in the form of the emigration or evacuation, I hereby charge you to effect all necessary organizational, practical, and material preparations for a total solution of the Jewish question within the German sphere of influence in Europe. Insofar as the responsibilities of other central authorities are involved in this, they are to participate.
I further charge you to present me shortly with a comprehensive plan of the organizational, practical, and material prerequisites for the execution of our goal, the final solution of the Jewish question."
This document is in full conformity with the Madagascar Plan. The instructions from Göring issued in "supplement" to those already given to Heydrich in the order of January 14, 1939, in fact consisted exclusively in the realization of the solution of the Jewish problem "in the form of emigration or evacuation" of the Jews from the Reich, while at the same time a territorial 'final solution' for all Jews in the German-occupied European nations, by means of forced resettlement to Madagascar, was the aim. Precisely because it included all Jews of the occupied European nations, this solution was described as the "lösung" ( solution).
By virtue of the fact that Heydrich wrote on November 6, 1941, that he had already been charged for years with the preparation for the 'final solution' in Europe, he himself was clearly referring to the task assigned to him by the order of January 14, 1939, and identified the 'final solution' with the "solution in form of an emigration or evacuation," which Göring had specified as the goal in the letter of July 31, 1941. In the same context belongs an order, which was transmitted to the Foreign Office by Adolf Eichmann on August 28, 1941, and which prohibited "an emigration of Jews out of the territories occupied by us, in consideration of the final solution of the issue of European Jews, which is in preparation and is approaching."
3. From Madagascar Plan to Deportation to the East
In the months that followed, the prospect of large territorial gains had become realistic since the start of the Russian campaign, so that new perspectives developed, which led to a significant change of course in the NS Jewish policy. In place of the 'final solution' by forced resettlement to Madagascar, a 'territorial final solution' emerged by means of deporting the European Jews into the eastern territories conquered by the Germans.
This change of course was announced on August 22, 1941, by SS-Sturmbannführer Carltheo Zeitschel, an advisor at the German embassy in Paris, who wrote a note to the attention of ambassador Otto Abetz:
"The progressive conquest and occupation of the far eastern territories can presently bring the Jewish problem in all of Europe to a final satisfactory solution within a very short time. As is seen from the cries for assistance by all the Jews of Palestine in their press to the American Jews, over 6 million Jews reside in the territories occupied by us during the last weeks, especially Bessarabia, which means one-third of World Jewry. During the new arranging of the eastern lands, these 6 million Jews would have to be collected anyhow and a special territory presumably marked off for them. It shouldn't be too big a problem, at this opportunity, if the Jews from all the other European countries are added to this and the Jews presently crammed into ghettos in Warsaw, Litzmannstadt, Lublin, etc. are also deported there.
As far as the occupied territories are concerned, such as Holland, Belgium, Luxemburg, Norway, Yugoslavia, Greece, the Jews can simply be transported by military order in mass-transports into the new territory, and it can be suggested to the rest of the states that they follow the example and get rid of their Jews by sending them to this territory. We could then have Europe free of Jews within a very short time.
The idea, which has recurred for years and which was once again aired a few months ago by Admiral Darlan, of transporting all the Jews of Europe to Madagascar, is, to be sure, not bad in itself, but would run up against insurmountable transportation difficulties directly after the war, since world tonnage, seriously decimated by the war, will surely be needed for other things more important than taking large numbers of Jews for a ride on the oceans of the world. Not to mention that transportation of nearly 10 million would require years, even if there were plentiful ships available.
For this reason, I propose to present this question at the next opportunity to the Reich Foreign Ministry and to ask to meet for discussion with the already named future Minister for the eastern territories, Reichsleiter Rosenberg, and with the Reichsführer-SS with such a regulation in mind and to examine the matter according to the idea I have proposed. The problem of transportation of the Jews into the eastern territories could be dealt with even during the war and would not encounter insurmountable difficulties after the war, especially since all the Jews in the General Gouvernement would be able to cover the distance into the new delineated territory, of course, with their automobiles on country roads."
After Zeitschel had alluded to the situation of French Jewry, he concluded:
"Furthermore, I would propose to suggest this idea at the next opportunity also to the Reichsmarschall, who is currently quite receptive to the Jewish problem and who for his part, in his present engagement and according to his experiences, could surely be an extraordinarily strong supporter in the execution of the idea developed above."
The plan of deporting the Jews into the eastern territories had already been considered earlier several times. On April 2, 1941, even before the start of the eastern campaign, Reichsminister Rosenberg had toyed with the thought
"of making use to a greater extent of Muscovite Russia as a disposal region for undesirable elements of the population."
On July 17, 1941, General Governor Frank made the following entry in his work diary:
"The Herr Governor General wants no further ghetto-formation, since according to an expressive declaration of the Führer of June 19 of this year, the Jews would be removed from the General Gouvernement within a foreseeable time, and the General Gouvernement is supposed to be only a sort of transit camp."
On August 20, 1941, after a visit to the headquarters of the Führer, Goebbels confided the following to his diary:
"Beyond this, however, the Führer has promised me that I can deport the Jews out of Berlin into the east directly after the end of the eastern campaign. [...]"
On September 24, 1941, Goebbels had a conversation with Heydrich in the Führer's headquarters; on the day after, he wrote in his diary that the Jews in the east
"in the end are all supposed to be transported [...] into the camps built by the Bolsheviks."
Likewise, on September 28, he wrote that the Führer held the view that one must push the Jews step by step out of all of Germany, and he expressed the following desire:
"Berlin is first in line, and it is my hope that we succeed already during the course of this year in transporting a substantial part of the Berlin Jews to the east."
In a note of October 7, 1941, Werner Koeppen, a liaison to Rosenberg, wrote that Hitler had declared the following on the previous day with respect to the Protectorate: 
"All Jews must be removed from the Protectorate, and indeed not just into the General Gouvernement, but directly farther to the east. The great requirements for means of transportation are the only reason why this cannot be executed at the moment. Along with the Protectorate Jews, all Jews should disappear from Berlin and Vienna at the same time."
On October 13, 1941, Frank and Rosenberg had a conversation, during which they also discussed the deportation of the Jews from the General Gouvernement:
"The Governor General than came to speak about the possibility to deport the Jewish population of the General Gouvernement into the occupied territories of the east. Reichsminister Rosenberg remarked that similar requests were already being brought to him from the military administration in Paris. At the moment, however, he saw no possibility as yet for the carrying out of these kind of resettlement plans. But he announced himself ready to promote the emigration of Jews to the east in the future, especially since the intention existed anyhow of sending off asocial elements within the territory of the Reich into the sparsely settled territories of the east."
Zeitschel 's proposal was thus accepted some months later by Hitler himself, who resolved to temporarily shelve the Madagascar Plan and to deport all Jews living in the occupied territories to the east. This decision of the Führer was probably made in September 1941. On October 23, 1941, Himmler prohibited Jewish emigration, effective at once, and on the following day the evacuation of 50,000 western Jews to the east was ordered. On October 24, Kurt Daluege, Chief of the Ordnungspolizei (regular police force responsible for keeping public order), issued a decree that dealt with "Evacuations of Jews from the Old Reich and the Protectorate":
"In the period from November 1 to December 4, 1941, 50,000 Jews will be deported by the Sicherheitspolizei [Security Police] from the Old Reich, the Ostmark [Austria] and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia to the east, into the region around Riga and Minsk. The evacuations will take place in transport trains of the Reichsbahn [German railway] for 1,000 persons at a time. The transport trains will assemble in Berlin, Hamburg, Hanover, Dortmund, Münster, Düsseldorf, Cologne, Frankfur/M., Kassel, Stuttgart, Nuremberg, Munich, Vienna, Breslau, Prague, and Brünn."
On October 25, 1941, Franz Rademacher, Legation Counselor at the Foreign Office, composed a note, in which he added the following after the announcement of the shooting of 8,000 male Jews in Serbia:
"The rest of the approximately 20,000 Jews (women, children, and old people) and about 1,500 Gypsies, whose men were likewise also shot, were supposed to be collected into the so-called Gypsy Quarter of the city of Belgrade as a ghetto. Food for the winter could be secured in scanty amounts. [...]
As soon as the technical possibility exists within the scope of the total solution of the Jewish question, the Jews will be deported by sea to the reception camps in the east."
If, according to this, a portion of these Serbian Jews (the adult males) were shot and the rest were subject to the "total solution to the Jewish problem," it is clear that the physical destruction of the Jews could not have been meant by the latter, but merely the deportation into "reception camps in the east," which served to accept Jews incapable of working.
The new course of the NS policy toward the Jews was officially announced to the senior party ranks at the Wannsee Conference, called expressly for this purpose. The Conference, originally planned for December 9, 1941, but then postponed, took place on January 20, 1942, at Großer Wannsee 56/58 in Berlin. The speaker was Reinhard Heydrich. The Conference protocol begins with a broad retrospective on the National-Socialist Jewish policy up to that point:
"At the beginning of the discussion Chief of the Security Police and of the SD [Sicherheitsdienst = Security Service], SS-Obergruppenführer Heydrich, reported that the Reich Marshal had appointed him delegate for the preparations for the final solution of the Jewish question in Europe and pointed out that this discussion had been called for the purpose of clarifying fundamental questions. The wish of the Reich Marshal to have a draft sent to him concerning organizational, factual and material interests in relation to the final solution of the Jewish question in Europe makes necessary an initial common action of all central offices immediately concerned with these questions in order to bring their general activities into line. The Reichsführer-SS and the Chief of the German Police (Chief of the Security Police and the SD) was entrusted with the official central handling of the final solution of the Jewish question without regard to geographic borders.
The Chief of the Security Police and the SD then gave a short report of the struggle which has been carried on thus far against this enemy, the essential points being the following:
In carrying out these efforts, an increased and planned acceleration of the emigration of the Jews from Reich territory was started, as the only possible present solution.
By order of the Reich Marshal, a Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration was set up in January 1939 and the Chief of the Security Police and SD was entrusted with the management. Its most important tasks were:
The aim of all this was to cleanse German living space of Jews in a legal manner."
Heydrich emphasized that as a result of this policy and despite various difficulties, up to October 31, 1941, approximately 537,000 Jews had emigrated:
- approximately 360,000 from the Old Reich, borders of January 30, 1933.
- approximately 147,000 from the Ostmark, borders of March 15, 1938.
- approximately 30,000 from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, borders of March 15, 1939.
The protocol continues:
"In the meantime the Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police had prohibited emigration of Jews due to the dangers of an emigration in wartime and due to the possibilities of the east.
Another possible solution of the problem has now taken the place of emigration, i.e. the evacuation of the Jews to the East, provided that the Führer gives the appropriate approval in advance.
These actions are, however, only to be considered provisional, but practical experience is already being collected, which is of the greatest importance in relation to the future final solution of the Jewish question."
Thus, on Hitler 's order, the deportation of Jews into the occupied territories of the east replaced the emigration or expulsion of all European Jews to Madagascar, though merely as a "provisional" solution pending a 'final solution' of this issue after the war's end.
Already in August 1940, Hitler had announced his intention to evacuate all Jews of Europe after the war. According to a note of the Reich Chancellery from March or April 1942, he had repeatedly informed Lammers, the chief of this Chancellery, "that he wanted to defer the solution of the Jewish problem until after the war." On July 24, 1942, the Führer confirmed this intention with pithy words:
"After finishing the war he will take the rigorous position that he will crush city after city, if the Jews would not come out and migrate to Madagascar or some other Jewish national state."
The intention of the National-Socialists to deal with the solution of the Jewish problem after the war is also apparent from the so-called 'Brown Portfolio,' which was devised by Rosenberg on June 20, 1941, and integrated into the 'Green Portfolio' of September 1942. There, the section "Richtlinien für die Behandlung der Judenfrage" (Guidelines for the handling of the Jewish question) begins with the following words:
"All measures for the Jewish problem in the occupied eastern territories must be executed with the perspective that the Jewish problem will be solved for all of Europe in general after the war. For this reason they are to be applied as preparatory partial measures and must be in harmony with the decisions otherwise affecting this area. On the other hand, the experiences gained in the handling of the Jewish question in the occupied eastern territories can point the way to the solution of the whole problem, since the Jews in these regions, together with the Jews of the General Gouvernement, comprise the strongest contingent of European Jewry. Measures, which are of a purely harassing nature, are to be refrained from under any circumstances as being unworthy of a German."
In a copy of these "Guidelines for the handling of the Jewish Problem," which however bears no date but which nevertheless certainly comes from this period of time, an additional sentence was inserted after the sentence ending with "decisions otherwise affecting this area":
"This applies with particular urgency for the creation of at least temporary possibilities for the reception of Jews from the Reich territory."
In connection with Jews of Spanish nationality residing in occupied France, a note by Luther of October 17, 1941, likewise mentions
"measures to be taken after the war's end for the fundamental solution of the Jewish question."
Therefore, the Wannsee Conference had been called in for the sole purpose of announcing to the authorities concerned the retirement of the emigration policy and the Madagascar Plan as well as the start of a policy of extensive deportation of Jews to the east and to discuss the problems generated by it. The Madagascar Plan was officially abandoned on February 10, 1942. A letter from Rademacher to the envoy Bielfeld of the Foreign Ministry, dated February 10, 1942, explains the reasons:
"In August 1940, I passed on to you for your files the plan devised by my department for the final solution of the Jewish question, for which the island of Madagascar was supposed to be demanded from France in the peace treaty, but the practical execution of the task was supposed to be handed over to the Reichssicherheitshauptamt. In accordance with this plan, Gruppenführer Heydrich was put in charge by the Führer of carrying out the solution to the Jewish problem in Europe.
In the meantime, the war against the Soviet Union has provided the possibility of making other territories available for the final solution. The Führer has consequently decided that the Jews will not be deported to Madagascar, but to the east instead. Thus, Madagascar no longer needs to be designated for the final solution."
The 'final solution' was therefore of a territorial nature and consisted of the deportation of the Jews out of the territories governed by Germany to the east. This is fully consistent with another important document, the Luther Memorandum of August 1942. In it Luther mainly summarized all essential points of the NS policy with respect to the Jews:
"The principle of the German Jewish policy after the war, after the assumption of power, consisted of promoting Jewish emigration by every means. For this purpose a Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration was created in the year 1939 by General Field Marshall Göring in his capacity as delegate for the four-year plan, and the administration was handed over to Gruppenführer Heydrich as Chief of the Security Police."
After he had explained the genesis and development of the Madagascar Plan, which in the meantime had been overtaken by events, Luther stressed that Göring's letter of July 31, 1941, was the result of the Heydrich letter of June 24, 1940, according to which the Jewish question was no longer to be solved by emigration, but required "a territorial final solution." Luther continues:
"After this realization, Reichsmarschall Göring charged Gruppenführer Heydrich on July 31, 1941, to make all necessary preparations for a complete solution of the Jewish question in the German sphere of influence in Europe with the participation of the German central authorities involved in the issue. [...] On the basis of this directive, Gruppenführer Heydrich arranged a meeting on January 20, 1942, of all participating German administrative departments, which the secretaries of state of the remaining ministries and I myself, from the Foreign Office, had attended. At the meeting, Gruppenführer Heydrich explained that the Reichsmarschall had ordered him by the directive of the Führer, and that the Führer had now approved the evacuation of the Jews to the east instead of the emigration."
On the basis of this order, Luther added, the evacuation of the Jews from Germany had been implemented. Their destination was the eastern territories, to which they would be deported via the General Gouvernement:
"The transportation to the General Gouvernement is a temporary measure. The Jews will be transported onward to the eastern territories as soon as the technical prerequisites for this are in place."
A circular of October 9, 1942, entitled "Rumors concerning the situation of the Jews in the east," intended for party functionaries, explains the measures taken against the Jews as follows:
"In the course of the work on the final solution of the Jewish question, discussions concerning 'very harsh measures' taken against the Jews, particularly in the eastern territories, are currently arising amongst the population in various parts of the Reich territory. It has been determined that such accounts - mostly in distorted and exaggerated form - are being passed on by those on leave from various units employed in the east, who themselves have had occasion to observe such measures.
It is conceivable that not all fellow-countrymen are able to muster adequate understanding for the necessity of such measures, especially not the part of the populace, which have no opportunity to form their own opinion of the Bolshevist atrocity.
In order to be able to counter any creation of rumors in this connection, which frequently bears an intentionally tendentious character, the exposition set out below is given for instruction about the present situation:
For approximately 2,000 years, a struggle has been fought against Jewry, which has been in vain so far. Only since 1933 have we started to seek ways and means, which permit a complete separation of Jewry from the body of the German people. The work of the solution performed so far can basically be subdivided as follows:
1. Expulsion of the Jews from various areas of life of the German people. Here, the laws enacted by the legislator should form the foundation, which affords the guarantee of also protecting future generations from a possible new flooding by the enemy.
2. The aim of completely expelling the enemy from the territory of the Reich. Considering the tightly restricted living-space available to the German people, it was hoped that this problem would be essentially solved through acceleration of emigration of the Jews.
Since the beginning of the war in 1939, these possibilities for emigration became increasingly reduced; on the other hand, the economic domain of the German people steadily increased in comparison with its living-space, so that today, considering the large number of the Jews residing in these territories, a complete expulsion by means of emigration is no longer possible. Since already our next generation will no longer see this problem as realistically and, on the basis of past experiences, will no longer see it clearly enough, and because the matter, once it has started rolling, makes a settlement urgent, the whole problem must be solved by the present generation.
For that reason, the complete expulsion or separation of the millions of Jews residing in the European economic domain is a compelling commandment in the struggle to secure the existence of the German people.
Beginning with the territory of the Reich and leading to the rest of the European nations included in the final solution, the Jews will be continuously transported to the east into large camps, some existing, some still to be constructed, from whence they will either be put to work or be taken still farther to the east. The old Jews, as well as the Jews with high war decorations (E.K.I., Golden Medal for Bravery etc.) will continue to be resettled in the city of Theresienstadt located in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
It lies in the nature of things that these in part very difficult problems can be solved only with ruthless severity in the interests of the ultimate security of our people."
In a report entitled "Financing the Measures for the Solution of the Jewish Problem" from December 14, 1942, Ministerial Counselor Maedel summed up the National-Socialist policy toward the Jews as follows:
"The Reichsmarschall charged the Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police a long time ago with preparing the measures, which will serve the final solution of the European Jewish question. The Reichsführer-SS has entrusted the execution of the tasks to the Chief of the Security Police and of the SD. Initially, the latter promoted the legal emigration of the Jews overseas by special measures. When the emigration overseas was no longer possible with the outbreak of the war, he initiated the gradual clearing of the Reich territory from Jews by their deportation to the east. Moreover, in more recent times old peoples' homes (old peoples' ghettos) have been established within Reich territory for the admission of Jews, e.g. in Theresienstadt. Indications as to the particulars are found in the note of August 21, 1942. The establishment of additional old peoples' homes in the eastern territories is imminent."
4. Results of the NS Policy of Promoting Jewish Emigration
The National-Socialist policy for the promotion of Jewish emigration conformed to a concrete goal of the Reich leadership and was accordingly conducted earnestly and successfully. In April of 1943, Richard Korherr, Inspector for Statistics at the office of the Reichsführer of the SS, wrote a report entitled "The Final Solution to the European Jewish Question," in which the following figures are given:
|Region||Start of Period
ending Dec. 31, 1942
| Altreich (Germany proper,
|January 31, 1933
(Sept. 29, 1938)
|Ostmark (Austria)||March 13, 1938||-149,124||-14,509|
|Bohemia and Moravi||March 16, 1939||-25,699||-7,074|
| Eastern Territories
|General Gouvernement (Poland, with Lemberg)||September 1939
Thus, 557,357 Jews emigrated from the Altreich (Germany proper), Austria, and Bohemia and Moravia, to which more than half of the 762,593 Jews from the General Gouvernement and the eastern territories can be added, a figure from the categories "Emigration" and "Mortality Surplus" combined by Korherr for those two areas. Consequently, the NS government stimulated the emigration of approximately one million Jews out of the territories controlled by it from 1933 to 1942.
5. The Start of Deportation of Jews to the East
The policy of deportation of Jews to the east, which was decided upon by Hitler himself in September 1941, received its official blessing in a letter, which Himmler wrote to Gauleiter Arthur Greiser on September 18, 1941:
"The Führer desires that the Altreich [Germany proper] and the Protectorate be emptied and freed of Jews as soon as possible, from the west to the east. It is therefore my intention, if possible already this year, to initially transport the Jews from the Altreich and the Protectorate into the eastern territories newly incorporated into the Reich two years ago, as a first stage, in order to deport them still farther to the east next spring.
I am planning to bring about 60,000 Jews of the Altreich and the Protectorate into the Litzmannstadt Ghetto for the winter, which, as I understand, has space to accept them. In the interests of the Reich as a whole, I am asking you not only to understand, but to exert all your powers in supporting this measure, which surely will cause difficulties for your district.
SS-Gruppenführer Heydrich, who has the task of carrying out this migration of Jews, will be turning to you in due course, directly or through SS-Gruppenführer Koppe."
At a meeting held in Prague on October 10, 1941, in which Heydrich also took part, the solution of the Jewish problem in the Protectorate as well as the partial solution of the Jewish problem in the Altreich was discussed. The start of the deportations was fixed for October 15, and the deportation of 50,000 Jews to Minsk and Riga was decided upon:
"It was planned to begin with it on October 15, 1941, in order to get the transports started gradually until November 15, up to an amount of about 5,000 Jews - from Prague only. For the time being, much consideration must still be shown to the Litzmannstadt authorities. Minsk and Riga are supposed to get 50,000."
In regard to the accommodation of the future deportees, we read:
"SS-Brif. [Brigadeführer] Nebe and Rash can take Jews into the camps for Communist prisoners in the zone of operations."
As already mentioned, the deportation order was issued on October 24, 1941. The eastern territories were the destination of these deportations. At that time, the eastern territories under civilian administration were the Reichskommissariat Ostland and the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, both subject to the authority of Alfred Rosenberg, the Reichsminister for the occupied territories of the east. The Reichskommissariat Ostland, administered by Reichskommissar Heinrich Lohse, was subdivided into the four general districts or Generalkommissariats of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and White Russia, while the Reichskommissariat Ukraine was governed by Reichskommissar Erich Koch.
The first orders with respect to the Jews in the eastern territories were harsh, but in no way aimed at an extermination. The paragraph "Guidelines for the handling of the Jewish question" in the 'Brown Portfolio' dating from June 20, 1941, intended the isolation of the local Jews from the rest of the population and their exclusion from economic, social, and cultural life by means of ghettoization:
"Freedom of movement is immediately abolished for all Jews. A transfer to ghettos is aimed at, which is facilitated in White Russia and in the Ukraine by the presence of numerous more or less closed Jewish settlements. A Jewish self-government with Jewish police can be given to these ghettos under supervision."
The "Temporary guidelines for the treatment of the Jews in the territory of the Reichskommissariat Ostland", which were presented to Rosenberg on August 13, 1941, also planned strict measures for the exclusion of Jews from public life and their concentration in ghettos:
"The Jews are to be concentrated as far as is practicable in cities or sections of cities, which already have a predominantly Jewish populace. Ghettos are to be established there. The Jews are to be prohibited from leaving the ghettos. In the ghettos, they are to be allowed to have as much food as the rest of the populace can do without, but not more than necessary for a scanty nutrition of the occupants. The same applies to supplying them with essential goods."
After a reference to the self-government in the ghettos, the "Guidelines" deal with deployment of the Jews for labor:
"The Jews who are capable of working are to be conscripted for forced labor according to the need for labor. The economic interests of residents, who are worthy of advancement, are not to be permitted to be injured by the Jewish forced labor. The forced labor can be performed in work parties outside of the ghettos, inside the ghetto, or, where ghettos have not yet been established, also individually outside of the ghettos (e.g. in the workshop of the Jews)."
These orders went into effect in the general district of Latvia on September 1, 1941.
On September 12 of that year, Wilhelm Keitel, Chief of the General Headquarters of the Wehrmacht, issued a directive dealing with the subject "Jews in the newly occupied territories of the east," which begins as follows:
"The struggle against Bolshevism demands ruthless and energetic measures above all also against the Jews, the main sponsors of Bolshevism."
This struggle did not mean, however, the extermination of the Jews, but merely the prohibition of collaboration with the Jewish populace as well as of the entry of individual Jews into the auxiliary services of the Wehrmacht. The employment of Jews was permitted exclusively "in specially collected labor crews" under German supervision.
On October 1, 1941, SS-Sturmbannführer Ehrlinger, with permission of his superior Franz Stahlecker, Head of Einsatzgruppe A, composed a note on the subject "Establishment of a Concentration Camp in Latvia." It proposed the formation of a camp in the vicinity of Riga for approximately 3,000 prisoners sitting in jails and for approximately 23,000 Jews living in the ghetto of Riga. The prisoners were supposed to be employed at the cutting of peat and the production of tiles. As to the Jews, it said:
"Already now it can be said that the intended space offers many possibilities of the sort, which can enable all Jews remaining in Riga and in Latvia in general to be collected there. In doing so, the Jews must be separated from the Jewesses from the start, in order to prevent further reproduction. Children under 14 years of age must remain with the women."
The proposal was approved by Reichsminister Rosenberg. On December 4, 1941, he wrote a letter to Reichskommissar Lohse on the subject of "Solution of the Jewish Question," in which he reported the following:
"The suggestions of Herr Generalkommissar in Riga with regard to the transportation of Jews from the Altreich to Riga and the establishment of Jewish camps have been passed on to me. As SS-Obergruppenführer Heydrich reported at a meeting a few days ago, the Jewish camp whose construction was planned at Riga is supposed to go into the Plaskau region."
6. Direct Transports of Jews to the Eastern Territories
The deportation of 50,000 Jews from the Protectorate and the Altreich to Minsk and Riga, decided upon during the meeting of October 10, 1941, began a month later. However, it represented only the first step of the deportations, since the deportees were supposed to be taken even farther east. One of the first reports concerning the deportations into the Ostland is a telegram of November 9, 1941, directed to Rosenberg by Lohse, which reads as follows:
"Security Police reports implementation of the transport of 50,000 Jews into the Ostland. Arrival of the 1st transport at Minsk, November 10, in Riga November 19. Urgently request to prevent transports, since Jewish camps must be shifted considerably farther to the east."
On the same day, Dr. Leibbrand, head of the office at the Rosenberg Ministry, sent the following telegram to Lohse:
"Regarding transports of Jews into the Ostland.
Precise message on its way. Jews are coming farther east. Camps in Riga and Minsk only temporary measures, no objections on that account here."
The local authorities were anything but delighted about the influx of these western Jews and lodged protests against it several times. On November 20, 1941, the Wehrmacht commander of the Ostland wrote a letter to Lohse on the subject "Transportation of Jews from Germany to White Russia," in which he explained:
"According to a report of the 707th Division, 25,000 Jews are supposed to be transported out of Germany to White Russia, of which 3,000 are allegedly intended for Minsk and 1,500 have already arrived from Hamburg. The immigration of German Jews, who are far superior in intelligence to the masses of the White Russian population, means a great danger to the appeasement of White Russia."
The Jewish population of White Russia, the letter continued, was "Bolshevist and capable of every attitude hostile to Germany" as well as active in the resistance. Therefore, the German-Jewish new arrivals would get into contact with Communist organizations. For this reason as well as because the deportations would hinder the transports for the Wehrmacht, the Wehrmacht commander asked that
"arrangements be made that no Jews come from Germany to White Russia."
But the protests faded away unheard. On November 20, 1941, Stahlecker reported to Lohse:
"The transports of Jews are at present arriving in Minsk as planned.
Of the 25 transports which originally were destined for Riga, the first 5 were diverted to Kauen."
A note of January 13, 1942, from Lohse 's office reiterated:
"Presented to Herr Reichskommissar [Lohse] with the request that he take note of the report of the City Commissioner in Minsk concerning the evacuation of reportedly 50,000 Jews from Germany to Minsk.
If not ordered otherwise by Herr Reichskommissar, the order of November 28 remains in force, according to which no objections are to be raised against any kind of transports from the Reich."
On January 5, 1942, the City Commissioner of Minsk, Janetzke, who opposed the deportations into this city, turned directly to Rosenberg. He wrote the latter a letter on the subject "Evacuation of Jews from Germany to Minsk," in which he explained that he had heard that the central authorities had the intention
"of bringing approximately 50,000 more Jews from Germany to Minsk in the next weeks and months."
About 100,000 civilians lived in that city, which literally lay in ruins, and also "about 7,000 Jews from Germany" as well as "roughly from 15,000 to 18,000 Russian Jews" as prisoners. Thus, no possibility existed of accommodating any more people. To these difficulties, "the very serious problem of feeding the population (including the Jews)" was added. For these reasons, Janetzke asked for the cessation of the Jewish transports to Minsk.
County Court official Wetzel responded on behalf of Rosenberg in a letter dated January 16, 1942, which was directed to Reich Commissioner Lohse:
"Re: Evacuation of Jews from Germany to Minsk.
The letter of January 5, 1942, from the Herr City Commissioner of Minsk, copy enclosed, of which I ask you to take note, was sent to me.
According to a communication of the Reich Security Headquarters imparted to me, it was planned to send 25,000 Jews from the Reich to Minsk, who were supposed to be accommodated in the ghetto there. Of these, 7-8,000 Jews have reached Minsk. The rest who remained behind cannot be transferred to Minsk at this time due to transportation difficulties. As soon as these difficulties are removed, however, the arrival of these Jews in Minsk must be reckoned with. I ask to instruct the City Commissioner of Minsk in this regard and I further request him to contact the Senior Police Chief in charge with regard to the question of accommodating and feeding the Jews. I ask to suggest to him further that he adhere to the chain of command in future."
However, on February 6, 1942, in a letter to Lohse, the Generalkommissar for White Russia, William Kube supported Janetzke 's request. He pointed out how impossible it was in a city like Minsk, 80% of which lay in ruins, to accommodate yet an additional 25,000 Jews. On June 26, 1942, the Chief of the Security Police and of the SD wrote the following in a report:
"Also in White Russia, the measures taken by the Security Police and the SD have to cause fundamental changes in the area of the Jewish question. In order to bring the Jews firstly under effective supervision, independent of later measures yet to be taken, Jewish Councils of Elders were employed, which are responsible to the Security Police and the SD for the attitude of their racial comrades. Above and beyond this, the registration of the Jews and their merging together in ghettos has been started. Lastly, the Jews have been made recognizable by a yellow badge to be worn on the chest and back, after the manner of the Jewish star introduced in the Reich territory. In order to evaluate the labor potential of the Jews, they are generally being taken into the private labor assignments and employed in cleaning up.
With these measures, the foundations for the later intended final solution of the European Jewish question have been created for the White Russian territory as well."
The measures were nothing other than the concrete carrying out of the policy as laid out in the 'Brown Portfolio,' which intended a future solution of the Jewish problem "for all of Europe after the war."
7. Numerical Data of Direct Transports to the Eastern Territories
The existing railway documents make it possible for us to draw only a part of the entire picture of the transports of Jews directly into the eastern territories. The transports arriving from the territory of the Reich were organized by the German Reichsbahn (Reichsbahndirektion in Königsberg), whose duty was to inform all departments involved. The transports received the abbreviation 'Da' and were numbered consecutively. The empty trains, designated by 'Lp,' were assigned numbers above 1,000.
The following transports are known:
|Train #||Departure Date||Departure||Destination||Deportees|
|?||November 4, 1941||Berlin||Riga||?|
|?||November 8, 1941||Hamburg||Minsk||990|
|?||November 10, 1941||Düsseldorf||Minsk||993|
|?||November 11, 1941||Frankfurt/M.||Minsk||1042|
|?||November 14, 1941||Berlin||Minsk||1,030|
|?||November 15, 1941||Munich||Riga||?|
|?||November 16, 1941||Brünn||Minsk||1,000|
|?||November 17, 1941||Berlin||Kaunas||?|
|?||November 18, 1941||Hamburg||Minsk||398|
|?||November 22, 1941||Frankfurt/M.||Riga||?|
|?||November 23, 1941||Vienna||Kaunas||995|
|?||November 27, 1941||Berlin||Riga||?|
|?||November 27, 1941||Munich||Riga||?|
|?||November 29, 1941||Nuremberg||Riga||820|
|?||December 1, 1941||Stuttgart||Riga||980|
|?||December 3, 1941||Vienna||Riga||995|
|?||December 6, 1941||Hamburg||Riga||765|
|?||December 6, 1941||Cologne||Riga||1,000|
|?||December 9, 1941||Kassel||Riga||991|
|?||December 11, 1941||Düsseldorf||Riga||1,020|
|?||December 15, 1941||Hanover||Riga||1,000|
|?||January 9, 1942||Theresienstadt||Riga||1,000|
|?||January 11, 1942||Vienna||Riga||1,000|
|?||January 13, 1942||Berlin||Riga||?|
|?||January 15, 1942||Theresienstadt||Riga||1,000|
|?||January 19, 1942||Berlin||Riga||?|
|?||January 21, 1942||Leipzig||Riga||1,000|
|?||January 25, 1942||Riga||Riga||1,350|
|?||January 25, 1942||Berlin||Riga||?|
|?||January 25, 1942||Vienna||Riga||1,196|
|?||February 6, 1942||Vienna||Riga||997|
|Da-201||May 6, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-202||May 12, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-203||May 20, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,016|
|?||May 26, 1942||Germany||Minsk||998|
|Da-204||May 27, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||998|
|Da-205||June 2, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-206||June 9, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,006|
|Da-207||June 16, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-208||June 23, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-40||June 24, 1942||Königsberg||Minsk||770|
|Da-209||June 30, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-210||July 7, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-211||July 14, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-220||July 14, 1942||Theresienstadt||M. Trostinec||1,000|
|Da-212||July 21, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-219||July 22, 1942||Cologne||Minsk||?|
|Da-213||July 28, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-221||July 28, 1942||Theresienstadt||Baranovici||1,000|
|Da-214||August 4, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-222||August 4, 1942||Theresienstadt||M. Trostinec||1,000|
|Da-215||August 11, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-223||August 17, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,003|
|Da-216||August 18, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|?||August 20, 1942||Theresienstadt||Riga||1,000|
|Da-217||August 25, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-224||August 25, 1942||Theresienstadt||M. Trostinec||1,000|
|?||August 31, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||967|
|Da-218||September 1, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|?||September 1, 1942||Theresienstadt||Raasiku||1,000|
|Da-226||September 8, 1942||Theresienstadt||M. Trostinec||1,000|
|?||September 14, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||992|
|Da-228||September 22, 1942||Theresienstadt||M. Trostinec||1,000|
|Da-229||September 30, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|Da-230||October 7, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||1,000|
|?||November 18, 1942||Hamburg||Minsk||908|
|?||November 28, 1942||Vienna||Minsk||999|
The four transports that left Berlin for Riga on November 4, 1941, and on January 13, 19, and 25, 1942, amounted to approximately 5,000 persons. In the period from November 17, 1941, up to February 6, 1942, a total of 25,103 Jews in 25 transports were brought to Riga, but only 15,114 are on the list. Thus, the total number of deportees increases to (5,000 + 56,221 + (25,103 - 15,114) =) 71,210. The Korherr Report helps us to close the gaps in documentation and to draw a more complete picture of the transports of Jews to the east in the year 1942. We will address this question in the chapter after the next.
|||Hitler was already expressing himself as being of this mind in the first written document of his political career, a letter to his friend Gemlich on September 16, 1919 (a), and later in his speech "Warum sind wir Antisemiten?" (b).|
a) E. Deuerlein, "Hitlers Eintritt in die Politik und die Reichswehr", in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 1959, p. 204.
b) R. H. Phelps, "Hitler's 'grundlegende' Rede über den Antisemitismus" in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 1968, p. 417.
|||R. Vogel, Ein Stempel hat gefehlt. Dokumente zur Emigration deutscher Juden, Droemer Knaur, Munich/Zürich 1977, pp. 46 and 107-109.|
|||A detailed complete study of this question is Magnus Brechtken 's "Madagaskar für die Juden": Antisemitische Idee und politische Praxis 1895-1945, R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 1998.|
|||PS-2233. IMT, Vol. XXIX, p. 378.|
|||PS-2233. IMT, Vol. XXIX, p. 405.|
|||CDJC, CXLVI-51, pp. 4, 7, 9.|
|||CDJC, CXLVI-23, pp. 6 and 82.|
|||IMT, Vol. XVII, pp. 250.|
|||IMT, Vol. X, p. 398.|
|||The legal emigration into other states or the deportation to the east (Poland: October 1939 to March 1940) or to the West (unoccupied France: October 1940).|
|||PA, Inland II A/B, AZ 83-85 Sdh. 4, Bd. 59/3.|
|||Citation by Martin Broszat, "Hitler und die Genesis der "Endlösung." Aus Anlaß der Thesen von David Irving,", in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, no. 25/4, 1977, pp. 748f.|
|||Ibid., p. 750.|
|||Ibid., p. 751.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 252.|
|||A clear allusion to the proposal of SS-Sturmbannführer Carltheo Zeitschel.|
|||T-394: "The Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police has ordered that the emigration of Jews is to be prohibited effective immediately."|
|||Robert Kempner, Eichmann und Komplizen, Europe Verlag, Zürich-Stuttgart-Vienna 1961, p. 293.|
|||The male Jews were supposed to have been deported, since they had taken part in "numerous acts of sabotage and revolt." At first it was intended to deport them "to the General Gouvernement or Russia," but because "difficulties with transportation" intervened in this and the Germans rated these Jews as a direct security threat, they were shot. ibid., pp. 288-292.|
|||NG-2586-G. It should be pointed out that there is well-founded doubt as to the authenticity of the Wannsee Protocol, cf. Roland Bohlinger, Johannes P. Ney, Zur Frage der Echtheit des Wannsee-Protokolls, 2nd ed., Verlag für ganzheitliche Forschung und Kultur, Viöl 1994; Roland Bohlinger (ed.), Die Stellungsnahme der Leitung der Gedenkstätte Haus der Wannsee-Konfernez zu dem von Bohlinger und Ney verfaßten Gutachten zur Frage der Echtheit des sogenannten Wannsee-Protokolls und der dazugehörigen Schriftstücke, Verlag für ganzheitliche Forschung, Viöl 1995; J. P. Ney, "Das Wannsee-Protokoll - Anatomie einer Fälschung", in: E. Gauss (ed.), op. cit. (note 98), pp. 169-191.|
|||Memorandum of Luther for Rademacher of August 15, 1940, in: Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, Series D, Volume X, London 1957, p. 484.|
|||Henry Picker, Hitler's Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquartier, Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag, Munich 1981, p. 456.|
|||"Richtlinien für die Führung der Wirtschaft in den besetzten Ostgebieten" (Grüne Mappe), Berlin, September 1942. EC-347. IMT, Vol. XXXVI, p. 348.|
|||PS-212. IMT, Vol. XXV, p. 302.|
|||PA, Politische Abteilung III 245, AZ Po 36, Bd. I .|
|||Approximately 300,000 Jews emigrated from Poland alone in 1939-1941. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 542.|
|||Himmler letter to Greiser of 18 September 1941, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, NS 19/2655, p. 3. Reproduction of the document in Peter Witte, "Zwei Entscheidungen in der "Endlösung der Judenfrage": Deportationen nach Lodz und Vernichtung in Chełmno" in: Theresienstädter Studien und Dokumente, Verlag Academia, Prague 1995, p. 50.|
|||"Richtlinien für die Führung der Wirtschaft in den neubesetzten Ostgebieten" (Grüne Mappe), Berlin, September 1942. EC-347. IMT, Vol. XXXVI, p. 349.|
|||"Orders for the treatment of Jews in the region of the former Free State of Latvia," issued by the Generalkommissar in Riga on August 30, 1941. GARF, 7445-2-145, pp. 29f.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 34.|
|||RGVA, 504-2-8, pp. 148-150.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 64.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 52.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 54 and p. 51 (transcription of the telegram).|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, pp. 60f.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 62.|
|||German name for Kaunas.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 67.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, pp. 65f.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 68.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, pp. 72f.|
|||"Meldungen aus den besetzten Ostgebieten Nr. 9", Berlin, June 26, 1942, RGVA, 500-1-755, p. 190.|
|||Some documents concerning the transports to Minsk are found in the National Archive of the Republic of White Russia (Natsionalni Archiv Republiki Belarus, NARB) under the inventory number 378-1-784.|
|||According to many authors this stands for David.|
|||Raul Hilberg, op. cit. (note 269). Heiner Lichtenstein, Mit der Reichsbahn in den Tod, Bund-Verlag, Düsseldorf 1985. Judenfrei! Svobodno ot Evreev! Istoria Minskogo Getto v dokumentach, Minsk 1999, pp. 223f. Christian Gerlach, op. cit. (note 419), pp. 758f. Wolfgang Benz, Dimension des Völkermords, op. cit. (note 80), pp. 46f and 78. Terezinská pametni kniha. Terezinská Iniciativa, Melantrich 1995, Vol. I, 63-67; Robert Kempner, Eichmann und Komplizen, op. cit. (note 534), p. 116.|
|||Deportation list 3. Transport. NARB, 738-1-784.|
|||W. Benz, Dimension des Völkermords, op. cit. (note 80).|
|||This transport arrived in Riga on November 19.|
|||Enclosure with the "Meldungen aus den besetzten Ostgebieten" no. 10 from July 3, 1942. RGVA, 500-1-775, p. 233.|