1. The 'Jewish Reservation' of Lublin
In September of 1939, directly after the military collapse of Poland, a project evolved to create a reservation for Jews on conquered Polish territory, into which all Jews living under German control were supposed to be deported. The idea of establishing "a Jewish state near Krakow under German administration" was already brought up by Heydrich on September 22 in a conversation with Walter von Brauchitsch, the Supreme Commander of the Army, and then taken up by Alfred Rosenberg at a meeting on September 28 and 29 with the Gauleiters in the east. Rosenberg mentioned the plan to settle "the whole of Jewry" together with all undesirable elements "between Weichsel and Bug."
In an official speech on September 29, Heydrich spoke of the establishment of a "Reichsghetto" in the region east of Warsaw and Lublin. The Jewish reservation was supposed to be set up in the zone south of Lublin, lying between Weichsel and Bug. One of the most important railway junctions in that region was Nisko, and for that reason it was referred to as the Nisko Plan or Nisko Operation. The Jewish transports into that region began in October 1939 and went on until March 1940. On March 23, 1940, Göring ordered the cessation of all deportations into the General Gouvernement.
A total of approximately 34,520 Jews were deported from the Reich to the incorporated Polish territories, and 6,615 Viennese Jews were deported into the 'Reservation.' Mainly because of its competition with the Madagascar Plan, upon which all hopes of the Reich for the solution of the Jewish problem were focused at that time, the project came to a standstill soon after its beginnings. Nevertheless, further Polish Jews were resettled in the Lublin 'Reservation': 9,451 from the Radom district from August 14 to September 25, 1940, 3,436 from the Krakow ghetto from November 29, 1940, to April 2, 1941. In addition, in 1940, 1,200 Jews were deported into that area from Stettin, 5,570 from prison camps, 5,250 from the Warsaw district, and 1,020 from Krakow. In 1941, 6,280 Jews were sent into the 'Reservation' from the incorporated Polish territories, 1,530 Jews from prison camps, 2,200 from Warsaw district and 2,520 from Krakow. Therefore, from 1939 to 1941, a total of approximately 79,600 Jews arrived in that zone. The transportation of western Jews into the Lublin district started again in March 1942, but this time within the framework of a new policy.
2. Transports of Jews into the Lublin District in 1942
At the beginning of 1942, the Germans began to concentrate the Polish Jews in the district of Lublin and then subsequently to deport them farther to the east in order to make room for the Jews from the Altreich, from the Ostmark, from Slovenia, and from the Protectorate. These evacuations were arranged by an office of the government of the General Gouvernement, the "Hauptabteilung innere Verwaltung Abteilung Bevölkerungswesen und Fürsorge" (Main department internal administration, department of population and welfare), to which the sub-departmental manager Richard Türk as well as the local authorities delivered the corresponding reports.
One of the first of these reports dates from January 6, 1942, and concerns the "Evacuation of 2,000 Jews from Mielec." There it says:
"1,000 Jews are coming to the administrative district of Hrubieszow, their final destination Hrubieszow station. 1,000 Jews are coming to the administrative district of Cholm; the destination of 400 of them is the Włodawa station, Parczew station is the final destination of 600. Date after which these places will be ready to accept them is January 15, 1942."
The next report dealing with this transfer warned the authorities:
"I am asking you to absolutely see to it that the Jews are received at the station of their destination and are properly directed to locations as determined by you; so that it does not happen, as it has in other cases, that the Jews arrive at their station of destination without supervision and now are dispersed all across the country."
"1,500 to admin. dist. of Cholm, with the stations of destination being Włodawa and Parczew.
1,000 to admin. distr. Radzyn with station of destination Międzyrzec.
500 to the admin. dist. Zamość with destination station Susiec.
1,500 to the admin. dist. of Hruebieszow."
The direct train to Parczew arrived there on March 13, 1942; 800 Jews were accommodated in Włodawa, 200 in Sosnowiec (or Sosnowica, a hamlet 35 km west of Włodawa). The evacuation of Jews from Mielec ended on March 16. The rest of the Jews were "accommodated in the Krakow district."
On February 9, 1942, the "resettlement of 1,500 Jews with the destination station Włodawa (900 Jews) and Parczew (600 Jews)" was announced. The directions of the government office charged with the resettlement, which were forwarded to the local authorities as supplements by Oberlandesverwaltungsrat (Senior county administrative counselor) Weirauch, prescribe the following:
"The office of the District of Lublin, Department of Internal Administration and Department of Population and Welfare, remains responsible to me for seeing to it that the Jews, who are to settle in, get assigned sufficient lodging according to what is possible. The resettling Jews are to be allowed to take along their bedding. With respect to other baggage and household effects, 25 kg per person is allowed to be taken along. The Jews are to be medically monitored after their arrival in their new areas of settlement for 3 weeks. Every case, in which there is a suspicion of illness or typhus, is to be reported to the district physician without delay."
On March 22, 1942, there was a resettlement of Jews from Bilgoraj to Tarnogrod, a village 20 km south of that city. The report that deals with this it reads:
"On March 22, 1942, an evacuation from Bilgoraj to Tarnogrod of 57 Jewish families with a total of 221 persons took place. Each family received a vehicle in order to take along the necessary pieces of furniture and beds. The Polish police and the special services unit took care of control and supervision. The operation went as planned without mishaps. The evacuees were accommodated in Tarnogrod on the same day."
On March 17, 1942, Fritz Reuter, an employee of the Department of Population and Welfare of the Office of the General Gouvernement of the district of Lublin, wrote a note, in which he referred to a talk conducted on the previous day with the SS-Hauptsturmführer Hans Höfle, the delegate for the resettlement of Jews in the Lublin district:
"I arranged for a talk with Hstuf. Höfle for Monday, the 16th of March 1942, namely at 17:30 hours. In the course of the discussion the following was explained by Hstuf. Höfle:
It would be expedient to divide the transports of Jews arriving in the Lublin district already at the station of departure into employable and unemployable Jews. If it is not possible to make this distinction at the station of departure, one must eventually pass on to separating the transport in Lublin according to the aspects mentioned above.
Unemployable Jews are all to come to Bezec [Bełżec], the outermost border station in the Zamosz district.
Hstuf. Höfle is thinking of building a large camp, in which the employable Jews can be registered in a file system according to their occupations and requested from there.
Piaski is being made Jew-free and will be the collection point for the Jews coming out of the Reich.
Trawnicki [Trawniki] for the present time is not occupied by Jews.
H. asks where on the Dęblin-Trawnicki route 60,000 Jews can be unloaded. Informed about the Jewish transports now running as far as we are concerned, H. explained that of the 500 Jews arriving in Susiec, those who were unemployable could be sorted out and sent to Bezec. According to a teletype of the government of March 4, 1942, a Jewish transport, whose destination was the Trawnicki station, is rolling out of the Protectorate. These Jews are not unloaded in Trawnicki, but have been brought to Izbiza. An inquiry of the Zamosz district, asking to be able to request 200 Jews from there for work, was answered in the affirmative by H.
In conclusion he stated that he could accept 4-5 transports daily, of 1,000 Jews with the destination station of Bezec. These Jews would go across the border and would never come back into the General Gouvernement."
This document is of capital significance for two reasons. First, Höfle was the deputy Stabführer (staff leader) of the SS and Police Chief for the Lublin district (Otto Globocnik). According to official historiography, he coordinated in this capacity "the construction of the extermination camp Belzec and the deportations to there from the Lublin district." Second, Bełżec is supposed to have started its homicidal activity subsequent to the talk reported, on March 17, 1942. According to official historiography, it was (like Treblinka, Sobibór, and Chełmno) a pure extermination camp, where there was no separation of those fit and those unfit for labor. Yet in the cited document it says:
A subdivision of the Jews into those able to work and those not able to work was planned.
The Jews able to work should be used for labor assignments.
Bełżec was supposed to become a camp, where the Jews fit to work were "registered in a file system according to their occupation." This does not conform in the least to a 'pure extermination camp.'
The Jews unable to work were all supposed to go to Bełżec. The camp was supposed "to accept 4-5 transports daily, of 1,000 Jews with the destination station of Be[l]zec," clearly Jews unable to work, who are deported "across the border" and are supposed to never come back into the General Gouvernement. For that reason, Bełżec was designated as "the outermost border station in the Zamosz district." This sentence has sense only in connection with a resettlement beyond the border.
Piaski was supposed to become the "collection point for the Jews coming out of the Reich." If one uses the road, it is another 24 km to Lublin, located to the northwest of Piaski, and 91 km to Bełżec. With the train, the distance to Bełżec is even greater (about 130 km). This contradicts the thesis, according to which Bełżec was a pure extermination camp, since in this case the collection point would have been the camp itself.
It was intended to unload 60,000 Jews at a point on the Dęblin-Trawniki route. The former locale is 76 km northwest of Lublin (in the direction of Warsaw), Trawniki is 13 km east of Piaski (for which it serves as rail station) on the Lublin-Rejowiec-Chełm/Lublin-Bełżec railroad line (before the Rejowiec station, a junction of the rail line turns off south toward Bełżec). This project as well fails to fall into line with the claim, according to which Bełżec is supposed to have been a pure extermination camp.
This fact is fully and entirely confirmed by a report of April 7, 1942. Its author is SS-Hauptsturmführer Richard Türk, Director of the Department for Population and Welfare in the Office of the Governor of the Lublin district. The report refers to the month of March and contains a paragraph with the heading "Jewish Resettlement Operation of the SS- and Police Chief," in which Türk reports:
"The possibilities of accommodation were and are currently being discussed with the delegate of the SS- and Police Chief, that is, restricted to those stretching along the Dęblin-Rejowiec-Belzec railway line. Alternative possibilities were determined.
Due to my proposal, there is a basic understanding that, to the same degree as Jews from the west are being settled here, local Jews are to be evacuated, if possible. The current situation of the settling movement is that approximately 6,000 were settled here from the Reich, approximately 7,500 have been evacuated from the district and 18,000 from the city of Lublin.
Individually, 3,400 have been evacuated from Piaski, district of Lublin, and 2,000 Reich Jews have come in so far; 2,000 from Izbica, Krasnystaw district, and 4,000 Reich Jews arriving in it; from Opole and Wawolbnica, Puławy district, 1,950 have been evacuated [...]"
The report later mentions the resettlement of Jews from Mielec and Bilgoraj, which have already been discussed, and makes clear that the majority of the evacuees was unfit for labor:
"On March 13, '42, the Cholm district received approximately 1,000 Jews, of which 200 were accommodated in Sosnowice and 800 in Włodawa.
On March 14, 1942, Międzyrzec, Radzyn district, received 750 Jews. On March 16, '42, the Hrubieszow district received 1,343 Jews, 843 of which have been accommodated in Dubienka and 500 in Belz. The majority were women and children and only a minority of men fit for labor. On March 16, '42, the Zamosz district received 500 Jews, all of whom have been lodged in Cieszanow.
On March 22, '42, 57 Jewish families with 221 persons have been shifted from Bilgoraj to Tarnogrod."
The influx of western Jews into the Lublin district began in the middle of March 1942. The first transports routed there departed from the Protectorate on March 11, 1942, from the Altreich on March 13, from Slovakia on March 27, from the Ostmark on April 9. The transports included numerous people unfit for labor, who were lodged in the villages of the district together with those able to work.
On April 12, 1942, the Chairman of the Jewish Council in Lublin posted a letter to Jewish Social Self-Assistance in Krakow, in which the "numbers of those resettled in the individual towns" were named in regard to Mielec:
The letter continues:
"In Izbica two transports arrived from the Protectorate with 1,000 persons.
In Izbica 1,871 arrived from the Rhineland.
In Piaski, Lu., 1,008 persons arrived from the Protectorate.
Moreover, in the last few days further transports arrived whose number varies between 2,500 and 3,000 persons. Yesterday he received an unofficial - at any rate so far unconfirmed - piece of news, that a passenger train of 19 cars, which allegedly was traveling to Izbica and contained evacuees from Vienna, was supposed to go past Lublin. Officially nothing could be determined yet. With regard to Lublin itself, an insignificant number of Jews has remained in the city up to now, who are supposed to be resettled from the city into its environs according to unofficial information."
On April 16, 1942, the Landkommissar (coumty commissioner) Lubartów sent the following letter to the District Chief of the Lublin district:
"Yesterday afternoon at 18:00 hours, without any prior announcement, another transport of approximately 800 Jews arrived. About half were women and children under 14 years of age. There were no men at all in the transport. The Jews were from Slovakia as well. On Monday and Wednesday, altogether over 1,600 Jews have arrived, among them hardly any fit for work. 200 Jews were transported onward to Kamionka, 300 to Ostrow, 80 to Firlej."
On May 9, 1942, the Landkommissar informed the District Chief:
"Re: Evacuation of Jews from Slovakia.
As I already reported by telephone, the Governor of the district, Population and Welfare, informed me last Wednesday that on Thursday 1,000 Jews would be arriving from Slovakia; they would be transported farther in about 14 days. On Thursday, the 7th of May, the transport arrived here in the late evening; there were 841 persons, older men and women with children, 199 men were kept behind in Lublin. This transport was better equipped with baggage and food than the earlier ones. The direction of the evacuation from Lublin was under the control of SS-Obstf. Pohl, who was also present here on the occasion of the evacuation of the local Jews on April 9. The Jews are at first lodged in the former high school. Whether and when the transport onward is to take place is not yet clear."
In another letter from May 13, 1942, it says:
"Herr District Chief of Cholm was present here personally yesterday and requested that those of the next transport, who are fit for labor, also be sent to him, since he is in urgent need of a work force. Futhermore, he complained about the fact that food, which is added to the transport trains, is always taken off in Lublin. I am asking that the food be passed on to Cholm as well at the next transports."
A similar complaint was also heard from the delegation of Rejowiec: 
"The delegation informed me that on April 17, '42, 2 transports of evacuees from Slovakia and the Protectorate arrived. The baggage of the evacuees has remained in Lublin, and the delegation requests that the baggage, which for the most part contains bed linens, be released."
In order to create room for the new arrivals, Polish Jews residing in the Lublin district were gradually deported farther east. These evacuations were initiated by the SS- and Police Chief of Lublin in collaboration with the "Sub-Department of Population and Welfare" of the Governor of the district of Lublin, and namely on the proposal of the local authorities. For example, a certain Lenk, a subordinate of the District Chief of Janów-Lubelsk, wrote to the SS- and Police Chief of Lublin:
"I ask you to evacuate Jews in the following locations:
"Only old people, unfit for labor, women and children might be included by these evacuation operations, and such men who are not employed at German positions. Craftsmen, however, might still remain here for the time being."
On May 13, 1942, the District Chief in Puławy sent a letter to the Governor of the district of Lublin, which said under Point 5:
"In Opole the ghetto consists of Jews from Slovakia who were sent here a short time ago. All Slovakian Jews who are fit to work have for the most part already been procured for the above named projects. Therefore, in the Opole ghetto there is merely a remnant of old and sick Jews who are not employable."
On May 19, the District Chief of Lublin reported to the Subdepartment for Population and Welfare:
"On the questionnaire of the 12th of this month I recommended, when opportunity arises, that the following Jews be deported, whose evacuation is required first:
In a letter of May 22, the District Chief of Hrubieszow stated:
"The number and place of residence of those Jews whose evacuation appears to be necessary first, is as follows:
|in Hrubieszow||5,690 Jews|
|" Uchanie||2,025 Jews|
|" Grabowiec||2,026 Jews|
|" Dubienka||2,907 Jews|
|" Bełz||1,540 Jews."|
There is no doubt at all that these transfers were serving the purpose of creating room for the western Jews deported into the Lublin district. Later, the latter would then also be evacuated again in stages. A report of October 5, 1942, of the District Chief in Lublin to the Governor of the Lublin district sets out the following information regarding this:
"Reference: Dispositions of August 18, 1942, and September 28, 1942
With regard to the above dispositions I am reporting that since the first of January 1942, 8,009 Jews from the Reich have been resettled into my district. 3,692 of these have already been resettled again. Expenditures or outlays have not been incurred due to these evacuations, the Piaski community merely put 400 vehicles at their disposal without cost for the transportation of the sick, children, and baggage."
The 8,009 Jews mentioned were accommodated in the following locales according to this report:
- 1,200 Jews from Germany in Bełżyce
- 5,466 Jews from Germany in Piaski
- 54 Jews from Germany in Luszawa
- 652 Jews from Germany in Kamionka
- 125 Jews from Slovakia in Firlej
- 512 Jews from Slovakia in Ostrow Lub.
The German policy of resettlement of the Jews was also echoed in the German press. On October 17, 1942, an article appeared in the Lemberger Zeitung with the headline "The first Jew-free city in the GG" (GG = General Gouvernement), in which the following was written:
"Lublin is the first city in the General Gouvernement, which has become Jew-free, and the process now begins of liberating the territories of the individual administrative districts from Jews, who were bringing the economic life of this nation into considerable disorder. The first district, which no longer has Jews, is Biala Podlaska. The process is carried out as follows: the district people determine some location as the area of residence for the Jews of the entire administrative district. In clearing up [their district], the two districts of Biala Podlaska and Radzin have jointly selected one city as a Jewish living area, namely Miendzyrzec. Since this place lies in the territory of the administrative district of Radzin, however, Piala Podlaska no longer has any Jews. [...] In order to bring about order in the part of the country around Lubatow [Lubartów], the District Chief of Lublin-Land decided upon the ghetto of Lubatow as the Jewish living area for the Jews of the communities of Tysmieniec, Uscimov, Firlej, Kamionka, Luszawa, Lucka, Samokleski, Tarlo, and Ostrow as a city including Niemce. All Jews of the communities named must leave the communities no longer than 24 hours after publication of this police order of the District Chief and set out for the Jewish living area of the city. The Jews who are found still outside of Lubatow after that period has elapsed are punished by death. The Jewish Council of the city of Lubatow is under obligation to accommodate, to register, and if necessary provide room and board for the Jews moving to Lubatow from the above cited communities."
It is clear from this article that if an area was declared to be 'Jew-free,' this in no way needed to mean the extermination of the Jewish population concerned!
3. Numerical Analysis of the Transports into the Lublin District
In an article published in 1992, Polish historian Janina Kiełboń drew a close-to-complete picture of the deportation of Jews into the district of Lublin between 1939 and 1942. We reproduce the data for 1942 in table form:
|Mar. 11, 1942||Theresienstadt||Izbica||1,001|
|Mar. 13, 1942||Altreich (Germany proper)||Izbica||1,003|
|Mar. 17, 1942||Theresienstadt||Izbica||1,000|
|Mar. 19, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||1,000|
|Mar. 25, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||426|
|Mar. 27, 1942||Slovakia||Lublin||1,000|
|Mar. 27, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||1,008|
|Mar. 28, 1942||Altreich||Trawniki||985|
|Mar. 30, 1942||Slovakia||Lublin||1,000|
|Mar. 31, 1942||Slovakia||Lublin||1,003|
|Apr. 1, 1942||Theresienstadt||Piaski||1,000|
|Apr. 5, 1942||Slovakia||Lublin||1,495|
|Apr. 9, 1942||Vienna||Izbica||998|
|Apr. 12, 1942||Slovakia||Lubartów||1,040|
|Apr. 14, 1942||Slovakia||Lubartów||1,038|
|Apr. 14, 1942||Altreich||Trawniki||659|
|Apr. 16, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,040|
|Apr. 18, 1942||Theresienstadt||Rejowiee||1,000|
|Apr. 20, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,030|
|Apr. 22, 1942||Slovakia||Nałęczów||1,001|
|Apr. 22, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||949|
|Apr. 23, 1942||Theresienstadt||Lublin||1,000|
|Apr. 23, 1942||Altreich||Kraśniczyn||12|
|Apr. 25, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||175|
|Apr. 25, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||963|
|Apr. 25, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||856|
|Apr. 27, 1942||Theresienstadt||Lublin||1,000|
|Apr. 27, 1942||Slovakia||Nałęczów||1,251|
|Apr. 27, 1942||Vienna||Włodawa||998|
|Apr. 28, 1942||Theresienstadt||Zamość||1,000|
|Apr. 30, 1942||Theresienstadt||Zamość||1,000|
|May 5, 1942||Slovakia||Lubartów||1,040|
|May 6, 1942||Slovakia||Łuków||1,038|
|May 7, 1942||Slovakia||Łuków||1,040|
|May 8, 1942||Slovakia||Międzyrzec Podl.||1,001|
|May 9, 1942||Theresienstadt||Sobibór/Osowa||1,000|
|May 11, 1942||Slovakia||Chełm||1,001|
|May 12, 1942||Slovakia||Chełm||1,002|
|May 12, 1942||Vienna||Izbica||1,001|
|May 12, 1942||Altreich||Bełżyce||1,000|
|Apr 13, 1942||Slovakia||Dęblin||1,040|
|May 14, 1942||Slovakia||Dęblin||1,040|
|May 14, 1942||Vienna||Izbica||1,006|
|May 17, 1942||Theresienstadt||Lublin||1,000|
|May 17, 1942||Slovakia||Puławy||1,028|
|May 18, 1942||Slovakia||Nałęczów||1,025|
|May 19, 1942||Slovakia||Nałęczów||1,005|
|May 20, 1942||Slovakia||Puławy||1,001|
|May 23, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,630|
|May 24, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,022|
|May 25, 1942||Theresienstadt||Lublin||1,000|
|May 25, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,000|
|May 26, 1942||Slovakia||Rejowiee||1,000|
|May 29, 1942||Slovakia||Izbica||1,052|
|May 30, 1942||Slovakia||Izbica||1,000|
|June 1, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 2, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,014|
|June 5, 1942||Vienna||Izbica||1,001|
|June 5, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 6, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,001|
|June 8, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 9, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,010|
|June 10, 1942||Prague||Ujazdów||1,000|
|June 11, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 12, 1942||Theresienstadt||Trawniki||1,000|
|June 12, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 13, 1942||Theresienstadt||Majdanek||1,000|
|June 13, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 14, 1942||Slovakia||Sobibór||1,000|
|June 14, 1942||Vienna||Sobibór||996|
|June 15, 1942||Altreich||Izbica||145|
|July 15, 1942||Altreich 1942||Izbica||13|
According to the Korherr Report, the following evacuations of Jews from the territory of the Reich were carried out up to January 1, 1943:
|from the Altreich (Germany proper) and Sudetenland:||100,516|
|from the Ostmark (Austria):||47,555|
|from the Protectorate (Bohemia and Moravia):||69,677|
A total of 87,193 Jews, broken down as follows, arrived in the Altersghetto (old age ghetto) of Theresienstadt: 33,249 from the Altreich, 14,222 from the Ostmark and 39,722 from the Protectorate.
9,431 Jews were deported into the ghetto of Litzmannstadt (Lodz) from the Altreich, 5,002 from the Ostmark, and 5,000 from the Protectorate (Prague), a total therefore of 19,433 between October 16 and November 4, 1941.
9,194 Jews were sent into the Lublin district from the Altreich (March 13 to July 15, 1942), 6,000 from the Ostmark (April 9 to June 14, 1942), and 14,001 from the Protectorate (March 11 to June 13, 1942), thus a total of 29,195.
Finally, 6,615 Jews came to Nisko and other zones of the General Gouvernement from the Ostmark between October 20, 1939, and March 12, 1941.
This results in the following picture:
Therefore, of the 217,748 Jews evacuated, 35,810 came to the Lublin district and 75,312 to the eastern territories. Nearly half of the total - 106,626 Jews - were lodged in the ghettos of Theresienstadt and Litzmannstadt.
Do the deportations into the eastern territories and the Lublin district constitute the prelude to a policy of extermination? The transport lists cited permit us to answer the question with an unequivocal NO. Even after the opening of the so-called eastern extermination camps, most of the transports were conducted particularly into the regions, in which there were Jewish residential settlements. For example, after the commencement of operations in Bełżec, approximately 30 transports arrived in such areas. In almost the same way, between the opening of Sobibór and the arrival of the first transports in that camp (June 1, 1942), many were reaching these areas and a further six after this date. Furthermore, after the opening of Sobibór, at least 20 transports had as their destination locales situated farther to the east of it. And not only that: After Treblinka began operations on July 23, 1942, at least 15 transports were headed for zones located farther eastward. It is valid to suggest that the direct transports to Minsk arrived first in Warsaw and ran over the Siedlce-Czeremcha-Wolkowusk line, so that they were traveling past Treblinka at a distance of approximately 80 km (Siedlce railway station) and about 140 km from Sobibór.
What purpose could it really serve to let Jews destined for extermination travel for several hundred kilometers past two 'extermination camps'? And if these camps actually possessed the incredible killing capacity, which the official version of history attributes to them, why in the world, then, did dozens and dozens of transports take doomed Jews and have them settled in the district of Lublin instead of taking them directly into this camp?
4. Beginning of the Transports of Jews to Auschwitz
The first transports of Jews to Auschwitz, which can be proved with documents, are seen within the framework of an extended program for the exploitation of the Jewish work force. The corresponding transports came from France and Slovakia.
On September 16, 1942, Martin Luther, Director of the German Department in the Foreign Ministry, sent a telegram to the German embassy in Bratislava (Preßburg), in which he said that "in the process of taking the measures for the final solution of the European Jewish problem" the Reich government was prepared to immediately send to the east "20,000 young strong Slovakian Jews," where there existed "need for deployment of labor." The Slovakian government accepted the German proposal "with eagerness," and the preparations for the deportations could begin. The program for deporting the Jews was decided upon on March 13, 1942, and provided for the dispatching of 10 trains each to Auschwitz and Lublin according to the following scheme:
|3||Da 68||3/27/1942||Lamać (Patrónka)||3/28/1942||Auschwitz|
Each transport was supposed to consist of 1,000 persons.
As we have seen in the preceding section, the Jews included in the direct deportations to Lublin were distributed throughout the surrounding towns.
On April 29, 1942, the German embassy in Bratislava (Pressburg) sent the Slovakian government a verbal note containing the following:
"The Jews who have been transported out and those yet to be transported out of the territory of Slovakia into Reich territory will be coming into the General Gouvernement and into the occupied eastern territories after preparation and retraining for work assignment. The accommodation, feeding, clothing, and retraining of the Jews, including their relatives, is incurring expenses, which cannot presently be covered from the initially small labor output of the Jews, because the retraining bears results only after some time and because only a portion of the Jews, who have been and who are going to be transported, is capable of working."
In order to cover these expenses, the Reich government required a sum of 500 Reichsmark per person of the Slovakian government.
On May 11, 1942, SS-Hauptsturmführer Dieter Wisliceny, Eichmann 's Deputy in Slovakia, informed the Slovakian Minister of the Interior that, according to information from the RSHA, there was a possibility of intensifying the transports of Slovakian Jews to Auschwitz, but he qualified this with:
"However, these transports are allowed to contain only Jews and Jewesses who are fit for labor, no children."
The proposal was not adopted, and for this reason all 19 Jewish transports from Slovakia in May 1942 went into the Lublin district.
A total of 57,752 Jews in 57 transports were deported from Slovakia in the year 1942. Of these, 38 transports, or a total of 39,006 persons, were brought to the Lublin district, the 19 remaining transports comprising 18,746 persons were sent to Auschwitz.
The first transports of Jews from France are also to be viewed as being within the framework of this program for the exploitation of the Jewish work force, since the first transports were comprised exclusively of Jews able to work. Already in March 1942, SS-Hauptsturmführer Theodor Dannecker, representative for Jewish affairs in France, reported that preparatory talks "with regard to the expulsion of approx. 5,000 Jews to the east" could be conducted with the French authorities. Dannecker made clear that those involved would have to be "male Jews able to work, not over 55 years of age." The mass deportation of the Jews living in France, but also of those in Holland and Belgium, was decided in June of 1942. At that time, the Germans were conducting first and foremost a policy of the exploitation of the Jewish labor force in Auschwitz, so that the problem of those who were unfit for work was only a peripheral one. On June 15, 1942, Dannecker wrote a note, in which he summarized the results of a talk conducted on the 11th of that month in Department IV B 4 of the RSHA:
"For military reasons, an expulsion of Jews from Germany into the eastern deportation area can no longer take place during the summer.
RFSS [Reichsführer SS = Himmler] has therefore ordered that greater numbers of Jews will be transferred either from the southeastern (Rumania) or from the western occupied regions to the KL Auschwitz for the purpose of performing work.
The basic condition is that the Jews (of both sexes) are to be between 16 and 40 years of age. 10% of the Jews sent along can be unfit for labor."
On June 22, 1942, Eichmann wrote a letter to the embassy counselor Rademacher on the topic "Labor assignment of Jews from France, Belgium, and the Netherlands," in which he explained:
"For the time being, it is planned to initially deport to the Auschwitz camp approximately 40,000 Jews from the occupied French regions, 40,000 Jews from the Netherlands, and 10,000 Jews from Belgium in special trains running daily with 1,000 persons each, from mid-July or the beginning of August of this year."
The search for persons to deport, according to Eichmann 's instructions to Rademacher, should be restricted first of all "to Jews fit for labor."
On July 26, 1942, SS-Hauptsturmführer Dannecker wrote a circular dealing with "Guidelines for the Evacuation of Jews." The deportations were supposed to be restricted to "Jews able to work of both sexes from 16 to 45 years of age." Under Point 21 the Guidelines prescribe the following:
"The following must be taken along by each person:
- 1 pair of sturdy work boots, 2 pairs of socks, 2 shirts, 2 pair of underpants, 1 work suit, 2 wool blankets, 2 sets of bedding (pillow cases and sheets), 1 bowl, 1 drinking cup, 1 spoon and 1 sweater, and also the toilet articles necessary.
- Each Jew has to take a food supply with him for a 3-day march. Only 1 piece of baggage is allowed to be taken along (1 suitcase or backpack)."
Under Points 6 and 7 are the instructions:
"A food supply for a total of 14 days (bread, flour, barley, beans etc. in bags) is to be added to the transport in a special freight car. [...]
One Jew, who is responsible for keeping order during the trip and for the cleaning of the car at the end of the trip, is to be in charge of each car. This Jew is to also bring cleaning materials with him."
In July, discussions started about the problem of the deportation of children. On July 10, Dannecker inquired at the RSHA as to
On July 21, 1942, Dannecker wrote in a note, which referred to a telephone discussion of the day before:
"The question of the deportation of children was discussed with SS-Sturmbannführer Eichmann. He decided that, as soon as transportation into the General Gouvernement is again possible, transports of children can get moving. SS-Obersturmführer Nowak promised to make about 6 transports possible to the General Gouvernement at the end of August/beginning of September, which can contain Jews of every kind (also Jews unfit for work and old Jews)."
These six transports could not have had Auschwitz as a destination, for first of all Auschwitz was not located within the General Gouvernement but in the territory of the Reich (from the German point of view at that time), and secondly because during that period deportations to Auschwitz ran along a mountain route. The sentence "as soon as transportation into the General Gouvernement is again possible" can therefore not have referred to Auschwitz.
On August 13, 1942, SS-Sturmbannführer Günther sent a telegram to the SS authorities in charge in Paris on the subject of "Transportation of Jews to Auschwitz. Deportation there of the Jewish Children," in which he informed them that the Jewish children could "gradually be deported to Auschwitz on the planned transports." Transports purely of children, however, would not be permissible. (This was clearly to prevent the enemy from exploiting this in propaganda.)
On the day after this, in accordance with these orders, a transport with 1,000 persons departed from France for Auschwitz, "among them children for the first time."
In conformity with the instructions cited above, the first trains to Auschwitz contained exclusively Jews fit to work, who were then normally included in the camp's inmate registry. The following table summarizes the data relating to the first 18 transports:
|May 22||1,000||Lublin KL|
|June 30||1,038||Beaune-La R.|
|June 30||400||Lublin KL|
5. Auschwitz as a Transit Camp for Western Jews
On September 5, 1942, SS-Untersturmführer Horst Ahnert, member of the SIPO and of the SD in Paris, wrote a note on the "Evacuation of Jews," which begins as follows:
"At the beginning of July 1942, the Reichssicherheitshauptamt ordered that, for the purpose of the final solution of the Jewish problem, the transportation of Jews out of the territories occupied by Germany for the goal of labor assignment should be begun on a greater scale."
On September 12, there was a meeting between Reich Minister Albert Speer, SS-Obergruppenführer Oswald Pohl, the Director of the SS-WVHA, and other functionaries. On the following day, Pohl handed a detailed report to Himmler. The discussion had concentrated on four points, the first of which was the "Enlargement of the barracks-camp of Auschwitz as a result of the eastern migration."
Pohl wrote on this point:
"In this manner, Reichsminister Prof. Speer wants to guarantee the deployment at short notice of approximately 50,000 Jews fit for work in closed companies, which have existing possibilities for lodging. We will skim off the labor force necessary for this purpose mainly in Auschwitz from the migration to the east, so that our existing company facilities are not disturbed in their output and their structure. The Jews destined for migration to the east will therefore have to interrupt their journey and perform armament work."
With "migration to the east" the deportation of the Jews into the eastern territories was meant. In this context the last sentence clearly means that the Jews who were not fit to work did not interrupt their journey, thus did not stop in Auschwitz, but continued onward. Where at least a portion of these people was sent emerges from a report, which SS-Untersturmführer Ahnert wrote about a meeting held on August 28, 1942, at the Department IV B 4 of the RSHA. This meeting was called in for the purpose of discussing the Jewish problem and in particular the evacuation of Jews in foreign occupied territories as well as to address transportation problems. The evacuation of Jews to the east was supposed to take place via Auschwitz. In regard to the points discussed, it said under point c):
"Inclusion of blankets, shoes, and eating utensils for the transport participants. It was demanded by the Kommandant of the internment camp Auschwitz that the necessary blankets, work shoes, and eating utensils are absolutely to be included in the transports. Insofar as this has not been done so far, they are immediately to be sent on to the camp."
Point e) related to the purchase of barracks:
"SS-Obersturmbannführer Eichmann requested to immediately get on with the purchase of the barracks ordered by the Commander of the Security Police Den Haag. The camp is supposed to be set up in Russia. The transporting of the barracks can be handled so that in every train transport 3-5 barracks are carried along."
In the draft of an agreement between the Jewish Council of Slovakia and the SS-Sonderstab SS Führungshauptamt (SS special staff, SS administrative main office) about the exchange of Jews for various goods, the following request of the Jewish Council is mentioned:
"No further deportations from the General Gouvernement and Auschwitz, 15 days after the conclusion of the agreement."
What could the deportation from Auschwitz mean if not the continuation of the migration to the east?
In a letter composed on March 24, 1943, Gisi Fleischmann, a leading Zionist in Slovakia, wrote:
"These days, however, brought us the schlichtim [Deported People] reports, which justified a little hope that small remnants can still be found there. We received approximately 200 letters from Dęblin-Irena and Końskowala, Lublin district, where in addition to our Jews also Belgian Jews reside, who arrived there during the last weeks."
But all of the transports leaving from Belgium up to the end of March 1943 had been taken to Auschwitz, so that the Belgian Jews to be found in Dęblin-Irena and Końskowala - a village 6 km from Puławy - by necessity had to have reached there from Auschwitz and, indeed, within the framework of the migration east previously described.
Other Jews were deported to the ghetto of Grodno (White Russia). They, too, had to have arrived there via Auschwitz. In a report entitled "Warunki materialne bytu Żydów" (Material living conditions of the Jews), which is from the second half of the year 1942, it says in regard to the ghetto of Lodz:
"There is a factor, which is causing the number of Jews to increase. This factor consists of the evacuations from the regions occupied by the Germans. Information about such evacuations arrives in succession. It is known that 23,000 Jews from Berlin, Vienna, and Prague have been transferred to Lodz; similar instances are also known in Warsaw; recently, a certain number of Jews was transferred from Belgium to Grodno."
The documents just cited prove that a considerable portion of the Jewish population of western Europe (namely of France, Belgium, and the Netherlands) were deported to the east since the second half of 1942, and, in fact, via Auschwitz, which served as a transit camp. The direct place of destination of these Jews was the General Gouvernement or Riga, from which the transports traveled farther on to the east.
This policy was still is effect on May 5, 1943. On that day SS-Gruppenführer Wilhelm Harster, Commander of the Security Police and SD in Holland, wrote a note, in which he summarized the orders from the RSHA for the following months:
"1.) General lines:
The RFSS desires that as many Jews as humanly possible be deported to the east in this year.
2.) The next trains to the east:
Since a new synthetic rubber plant, which was destroyed in the west by air attacks, is supposed to be built in Auschwitz, above all a maximum number of Jews from the west is needed in the months of May and June. It was agreed that at first the Jews made available for transportation will be shipped, if possible already in the first half of the month, by means of merging several trains; the Westerbork Camp [in Holland] is therefore being emptied quickly. The figure of 8,000 is the goal for the month of May. Train arrangements are being taken care of by the BdS, Den Haag, with the RSHA.
3.) The Hertogenbusch Camp:
Since the RSHA requires a further 15,000 Jews in June, the point in time must be reached as quickly as possible, at which the inmates of the Hertogenbusch Camp [in Holland] can also be called upon."
A report produced at the beginning of 1944 and delivered to the Warsaw Delegation, thus to the representation of the government-in-exile residing in London, states with respect to the Jewish population of the General Gouvernement in December 1943:
"According to information received, at the end of December there were approximately 150,000 Jews on Polish territory, in legal groupings, half of them foreign Jews."
Who could these "foreign Jews" on Polish territory be, if not western Jews processed into the General Gouvernement via Auschwitz?
6. Final Destination of Jews Deported to the East
The deportations of Jews to the east therefore took place in two stages: the Jews were first temporarily settled or lodged in transit camps and then deported farther east. In view of the paucity of existing documentation, we cannot determine with certainty what the final destination of this deportation was, but there exist various pieces of evidence, which make it possible for us to draw plausible conclusions.
In the "Guidelines for handling of the Jewish question," which go back to the summer of 1941, the following paragraph appears:
"The goal is a transfer into ghettos with simultaneous separation of the sexes. The existence of numerous more or less closed Jewish communities in White Russia and in the Ukraine facilitates this task. For the rest, locations are to be chosen for this, which, due to pending work projects, make possible the full utilization of the Jewish labor force."
On August 14, 1942, SS-Brigadeführer Otto Rasch, Leader of Einsatzgruppe C, proposed to Berlin the following solution of the Jewish problem:
"The surplus Jewish masses can be expended and put to excellent use particularly in the cultivation of the great Pripjet marshes and the marshes on the northern Dnieper as well as on the Volga."
As already mentioned, in a letter to Gauleiter Arthur Greiser on September 18, 1941, Himmler wrote that, in accord with the wishes of the Führer, the Jews were supposed to be transported out of the Altreich and the Protectorate "into the eastern territories newly incorporated into the Reich two years ago," but merely "as a first stage," in expectation of a deportation "still farther to the east."
In a secret telegram of November 9, 1941, sent by Lohse to Rosenberg, it said with regard to Riga that the
"Jewish camps must be shifted considerably farther to the east.."
On the same day, Dr. Leibbrandt reiterated in a telegram to the Reichskommissar for the Ostland, Heinrich Lohse, that "with regard to the transports of Jews into the Ostland":
"Jews are coming farther eastward. Camps in Riga and Minsk are only temporary measures."
There is no reason of any kind to doubt that the indications of a program for renewed deportation of the Jews to the east correspond to the truth. This is incidentally confirmed by an article of October 16, 1942, in the Israelitisches Wochenblatt für die Schweiz (Israelite Weekly for Switzerland). The paper reported:
"For some time there has been a trend toward dissolution of the ghettos in Poland. That was the case with Lublin, then it was Warsaw's turn. It is not known how far the plan has being carried out already. The former residents of the ghetto are going farther to the east into the occupied Russian territory; Jews from Germany were brought into the ghetto to partly take their place. [...] an eyewitness, who was in Riga a short time ago and was able to flee, reports that 32,000 Jews are still in the ghetto of Riga now. Since the occupation, thousands of Jews have been killed. In the morning, the Jews are said to have to line up outside the city for forced labor. They are said to not receive salaries but only permissions for food supply. Compared to the rest of the populace, they are said to receive only severely short rations: they are said to receive only 100 g of bread daily and 2 kg of potatoes per week. Recently, transports of Jews from Belgium and other nations of western Europe were noted in Riga, which, however, immediately traveled on again toward unknown destinations. In the ghetto of Riga, so it is said, there were pogroms on the 30th of November and the 8th of December, to which a great many Jews fell victim."
On May 23, 1942, Karol Sidor, Representative of the Republic of Slovakia at the Holy See, handed a note to Secretary of State Luigi Maglione concerning the solution of the Jewish question. It was dated May 8th of the same year and was the answer to a letter of November 12, 1941, prepared by the Holy See, in which information on this subject was requested. After an explanation of the reasons for the delayed answer, the note continued:
"But in this period of time there was a silence about the solution of the Jewish question. Long negotiations dealing with the solution to the Jewish problem in Europe took place between the Slovakian and German governments, and the view was offered that the emigration of the Slovakian Jews represents only one component of a much larger overall program. In the near future, half a million Jews from [western and central] Europe will be sent to eastern Europe. Slovakia will be the first state whose Jewish inhabitants are taken by Germany. At the same time, the emigration of Jews from France (the occupied part), Holland, Belgium, the Protectorate, and Reich territory is supposed to follow. Hungary has also expressed its desire to send off 800,000 Jews, as the head of government, Dr. Kállay, said in his speech on April 20 of this year.
The Slovakian Jews are being accommodated at various locations in the area of Lublin, where they will definitely remain. The Aryan population will be evacuated from these territories, and an exclusively Jewish district with its own administration will arise in its place, where the Jews can live as a community and can secure their existence by their own labor. The families will stay together."
"The Jewish question in Europe has also completely changed. In a Reichstag speech the Führer once said: Should Jewry instigate an international war to the extermination of the Aryan peoples, then it is not the Aryan peoples who will be exterminated but Jewry. The Jew is evacuated from Germany; today he lives in the east and works on our roads, railroads, and so on. This process has been carried out consistently, but without cruelty."
On November 18, 1943, in a speech given in Krakow before SS leaders and officials of the General Gouvernement, Himmler spoke of:
"[...] these 16 million foreign peoples, whose numbers were once made even larger by an enormous number of Jews, who of course now have emigrated or been brought to the east. [...]"
On December 16, 1943, in a speech in Weimar given before the commanders of the Kriegsmarine (German navy), Himmler maintained that:
"Such and so many Jews were brought to the east. Movements of peoples, which we have distinguished by giving them great names in history, have been completed within this breakneck speed of development. [...]"
On July 29, 1942, the Papal Nuncio in France, Monsignore Valerio Valeri, wrote from Vichy to the Secretary of State, Cardinal Luigi Maglione:
"Around the twentieth of this month the occupation authorities in Paris, using the French police, arrested approximately 12,000 Jews. These were then for the most part temporarily interned in Vélodrome d'Hiver. The majority of these are non-Aryans of foreign origin, above all Poles, Czechs, etc., who are designated for deportation into the Ukraine."
On September 7, 1942, the "Kommandeur no. 12" of the Einsatzkommando 12 of Einsatzgruppe D in Kislowodsk, Ukraine, issued the following order:
"To all Jews. For the purpose of settlement in the less populated regions of the Ukraine, all Jews who live in the city of Kislowodsk and those Jews who have no fixed residence are obliged to report on Wednesday, the 9th of September 1942, at 5 o'clock in the morning, Berlin time (6 o'clock according to Moscow time) to the freight train station.
Each Jew is to take along a pack of 20 kg or under of food for 2 days. Additional food will be secured at the stations by the German authorities. It is suggested that only the most necessary things be taken along: valuables, money, clothing, and blankets. Each family is to seal up its apartment, and on the key a slip of paper should be fastened, on which the first name, family name, the occupation, and the address of the family members are stated. This key with the slip of paper is to be handed over to the German detachment at the freight station. Due to the difficulties in transportation, freight over 20 kg and the bringing along of furniture is impossible. For better preparation and transportation, each family is to pack up and seal its property, its linens etc. and in doing so declare the name of the owner. The Kommandantur [headquarters] no. 12 is responsible for maintaining the materials in undamaged condition.
Whoever makes an attack on the property of these Jews or attempts to force his way into a Jewish apartment will be shot immediately.
Baptized Jews are also subject to evacuation.
Those families, in which one of the parents is a Jew but the other is a Russian, a Ukrainian, or member of another nationality, are not subject to evacuation.
Furthermore, members of mixed blood are not subject to emigration. A voluntary emigration of the families of mixed blood, of Mestizos of groups I and II, is to be carried out at further opportunity.
At the station, all Jews are to arrange themselves into 45-50-man lines, in which individual families are to stay together.
The line-up of the people should be ended about 5:45 (Berlin time), 6:45 o'clock (Moscow time). The Jewish committee is responsible for the execution of this order according to plan. Those Jews who impede the execution of this order will be severely punished."
This decree dovetails very well with a general plan for the resettlement of the Jews and for the deportation of western Jews into the Ukraine.
According to Radio Moscow, several thousand French Jews were resettled in the Ukraine. In its issue Number 71 of April 1944, the Jewish underground paper Notre Voix had the following news to report:
"Thank you! A news item that will delight all Jews of France was broadcast by Radio Moscow. Which of us does not have a brother, a sister, or relatives among those deported from Paris? And who will not feel profound joy when he thinks about the fact that 8,000 Parisian Jews have been rescued from death by the glorious Red Army! One of them told Radio Moscow how he had been saved from death, and likewise 8,000 other Parisian Jews. They were all in the Ukraine when the last Soviet offensive began, and the SS bandits wanted to shoot them before they left the country. But since they knew what fate was in store for them and since they had learned that the Soviet troops were no longer far away, the deported Jews decided to escape. They were immediately welcomed by the Red Army and are presently all in the Soviet Union. The heroic Red Army has thus once again earned a claim on the gratitude of the Jewish community of France."
After the evacuation of the Jewish Council of Mielec, health cost arrears in the amount of 2,260.80 Zlotys resulted. On June 22, 1942, the State Sanatorium and Nursing facility of Kobierzyn demanded this sum from the Chief of the district of Lublin. Inquiries were made, and on September 4, the SS- and Police Chief reported
"that the Jewish Council was evacuated from Mielic to Russia."
The exact location, however, no one knew.
On May 13, 1942, the District Chief of Puławy sent a report to the Governor of the Lublin district, in which it was stated:
"In the period between May 6 to May 12 inclusive, 16,822 Jews were expelled from the Puławy district across the Bug by the directive of the SS- and Police Chief."
According to official historiography, these Jews were deported to Sobibór and murdered there. The Sobibór camp was located some kilometers from the River Bug, which forms the border between Poland and the Ukraine. One could cross the Bug by the Włodawa-Tamaszouka road (about 15 km north of the camp) as well as by rail (the Brest-Litovsk line). There is no valid reason why these Jews should not actually have been transported across the Bug, all the more so as Sobibór is not mentioned at all in this report. The destination of Sobibór was by no means a secret one, and it surfaces, for example, in the following report of August 4, 1942, from the Chief of the Radom district:
"I am hereby reporting that 69 Jews have been transported by a Sonderdienstkommando [Special Service Unit] from Rzczywol to the Sobibor Camp of the SS and Police Chief in the Lublin district."
If one considers the small number of deportees (69 persons), their place of origin (a location which was less than 80 km from Warsaw) as well as the fact that they had been mustered by a Special Service Unit, then this leads to the conclusion that they were skilled workers who were supposed to be employed in Sobibór as camp personnel.
Incidentally, it is known that on July 5, 1943, Himmler personally gave the following order:
"The transit camp Sobibór is to be converted into a concentration camp. In the concentration camp a plant for the repair of captured munitions is to be established."
This instruction, directed to officials who could not have been unclear about the actual character of the Sobibór camp, was a secret matter of the Reich: for what reason should Himmler have used the expression "Durchgangslager" (transit camp)? In order to pull the wool over the eyes of his underlings - who knew all about it for a long time?
In that period, deportations of Dutch Jews to Sobibór took place: on July 2, a transport with 2,397 persons arrived, on July 9 another with 2,417. That Sobibór had the function of a transit camp also emerges from the statements of several former Dutch-Jewish deportees:
Cato Polak, deported on March 10, 1943, remained in Sobibór one or two hours and was then transferred to Lublin with 30 women and 12 men. They returned home to Holland by way of Trawniki - Auschwitz - Bergen-Belsen - Theresienstadt.
Bertha Jansen-Ensel and Judith Eliazar, who had arrived in Sobibór on March 10, 1943, were likewise transferred to Lublin. Both returned to their homeland via Auschwitz. Although they had alluded to gas chambers and cremations, they declared:
"Sobibor was no camp, rather a transit camp."
Jules Schelvis, deported to Sobibór on June 1, 1943, was transferred to Trawniki three hours after his arrival there and returned to Holland via Auschwitz.
Mirjam Penha-Blitz gave a statement that was summarized as follows:
"Deported by train from Westerbork on March 10, 1943. Arrival in Sobibor about March 13, 1943 (via Birkenau - without a stop - to Sobibor)."
Four or five hours after arrival at the camp, the witness was deported to Lublin. Her return home occurred via Birkenau.
Sientje and Jetje Veterman, sent to Sobibór on April 6, 1943, were sorted out together with 28 other women for work and transferred to Trawniki with them. They returned to the Netherlands by way of Auschwitz-Birkenau.
Elias Alex Cohen, deported to Sobibór on March 17, 1943, spent only a few hours in the camp and was sent to Lublin with 35 other Jews. Sophie Verduin, deported on March 10, 1943, was transferred to Lublin after a few hours; her return home to Holland took place by way of Auschwitz-Birkenau.
Jozef Wins de Heer, deported on May 11, 1943, went from Sobibór to Doruhucza. He returned home to the Netherlands by way of Lublin-Majdanek.
In a well-documented book, which was published in Dutch in 1993 and was later translated into German, Jules Schelvis writes that "in Sobibor, after the arrival of transports, the fresh work forces for Dorohucza" were "selected." At Dorohucza, 5 km from Trawniki, was a labor camp where peat was cut. According to Schelvis, at least 700 Dutch Jews were transferred there directly after their arrival in Sobibór, but according to him only two of them are supposed to have survived the war. There is certain knowledge of 171 of these persons - 147 men and 24 women - since they sent postcards home from Dorohucza.
Dorohucza was only one of many Jewish labor camps, which overlay the Lublin district like a dense network. Edward Dziadosz and Józef Marszałek count no fewer than 110 of them. As can be gathered from the statements summarized above of former deportees, other Dutch Jews were transferred from Sobibór to Lublin and then onward to such labor camps. Schelvis has documented a total of 89 postcards sent by Dutch Jews from Sobibór, 171 from Dorohucza, 52 from Lublin and 9 from Upper Silesia.
It also happened that a portion of the Jews fit to work were sorted out from the rail cars before the train reached its final destination. This was the case for a transport that departed Vienna on June 14, 1942. After the train had arrived in Lublin, 51 Jews between 15 and 50 years of age had to get off; the remaining 949 continued their trip to the "labor camp" Sobibór, where it took an hour to unload the train. The original destination of the trip had been Izbica.
It is characteristic that nearly all the Dutch Jews, who had been transferred from Sobibór to another camp, returned home by way of Auschwitz-Birkenau; instead of being liquidated as bearers of top-secret knowledge, they survived even this 'extermination camp.'
From what has been established here, it emerges that a portion of the Jews deported to the Lublin district were deported across the Bug into the Ukraine. Dutch, French, and Czech Jews reached Minsk. The deportation of Polish Jews to White Russia were, according to C. Gerlach, "extremely extensive" and they were "taken to Minsk by railway".
7. Transfers into the District of Galicia
A further portion of the Jews deported to the Lublin district were deported to Galicia.
Some former French prisoners of war, who had been interned in the front line POW camp Stalag 325 at Rawa-Ruska (17 km from Bełżec on the road to Lemberg/Lviv), were questioned by Belgian researcher Jean-Marie Boisdefeu. They claimed to have seen western, mainly French Jews in that zone. As Boisdefeu stresses, declarations made by other prisoners of war in the year 1945 confirm this. Thus, a Paul Roser testified at Nuremberg.
"The Germans had transformed the area of Lemberg-Rawa Ruska into a giant ghetto."
A Dr. Guérin wrote:
"The province, situated in gloomiest Galicia, on the border of the Ukraine, had been transformed into a giant ghetto, in which Jews deported from the whole of occupied Europe were staying. They were guarded by brutal Ukrainians, who were in the pay of the Germans."
There was also a ghetto in Rawa-Ruska, where 18,000 Jews were living in the summer of 1942. Of these, 14,000 were allegedly murdered between December 7, 1942, and January 10, 1943, and another 2,000 sent into the 'death factory' of Bełżec. It is not clear why this ghetto still existed several months after the opening of Bełżec, which was all of 17 km away from it, and why the alleged 14,000 victims were not sent directly into the 'death factory.' Not to mention the fact that on November 10, 1942, the Rawa-Ruska ghetto officially became one of the numerous 'Jewish residential districts' of Galicia.
"All trains with Jews from Brussels, Paris, and Amsterdam go through Rava-Ruskaia. Transports from Tarnopol, Kolomi, Sambor, Brezany, and other cities in the West Ukraine came to them."
On July 22, 1941, east Galicia was incorporated into the General Gouvernement; on August 1 of the same year, the district of Galicia was established.
The massacres of Jews committed by Ukrainians and SS men in July 1941 in Lemberg and other Galician towns were to a great extent retaliations for the mass murders committed by the Soviets against Ukrainians before the retreat of the Red Army between June 22 and July 2, 1941. In fact, in the eyes of the SS and the civilian population, the 'Soviet Jews' were regarded as responsible for the Communist acts of violence or at least considered to be accomplices of the perpetrators. The reports of the Einsatzgruppen furnish detailed examples regarding this. Here are some typical examples:
"In Tarnopol 5,000 Ukrainians kidnapped, 2,000 murdered. As counter measures arrest operation against Jewish intellectuals initiated, who shared responsibility for the murder and besides were informers for the NKVD. Number estimated at about 1,000. On July 5, approximately 70 Jews rounded up by Ukrainians and killed with multiple loads. Another 20 Jews killed on the road by military and Ukrainians, as response to the murder of three soldiers who were found chained in jail, with tongues cut out and eyes gouged out."
After the discovery of Soviet torture chambers, other Jews were shot as retaliation measures. For example, after the discovery of the torture chamber in the courtroom of Tarnopol, the Germans reacted as follows:
"The troops passing through, who had the opportunity of seeing these atrocities and above all else the bodies of the murdered German soldiers, killed all of the approximately 600 Jews and set their houses on fire."
Even the massacre of (allegedly!) 33,771 Jews in Babi Yar at Kiev was represented as an act of punishment:
"The animosity of the Ukrainian populace against the Jews is extraordinarily great, since they hold them guilty of the explosions in Kiev. Also, they are seen as the carriers and agents of the NKVD, who have brought terror down upon the Ukrainian people. As retaliation for the arsons in Kiev, all Jews were arrested, and on September 29 and 30, 33,771 Jews were executed in total."
In the entire district of Galicia in July 1941, approximately 10,000 and then up to December another 20,000 Jews are supposed to have been shot, but these figures are highly dubious. The claimed mass killings are in particular contradiction to the anti-Jewish measures of the civilian government of Galicia, which had replaced the military administration on August 1, 1941.
Barely two weeks after the convening of the civilian government on August 14, 1941, units of the security police in Lemberg, Tarnopol, and Stanislau received an order from Colonel Worm with respect to the "Jewish compulsory labor camps," which began as follows:
"In nearly each of the larger towns of the district of Galicia, prisoner of war camps are supposed to have been prepared by the Russians. They are supposed to be equipped with all necessary stock and are especially well suited for the establishment of Jewish compulsory labor camps. All existing camps are to be investigated and reported immediately. At the same time, the holding capacity and condition are to be determined."
On September 20, forced labor was introduced in the entire district for Jews "from the end of their 14th year to 60." On November 6, 1941, procedures and deadlines were set for the establishment of a Jewish quarter in Lemberg, whose administration was entrusted to a Jewish Council of Elders. This was obliged to establish, without delay, an office of nutrition, a security office, a jurisdictional system, a health department, a welfare office, a burial system, a housing office, as well as a Jewish cemetery.
The first two ghettos were formed in November and December of 1941 in Tarnopol (approx. 18,000 Jews) and Stanisław (about 30,000 Jews).
In January 1942, the Medical Bureau of the Jewish community in Lemberg was established. The Jewish Council described it as follows:
"The Medical Bureau of the Jewish community is the central administration and office of control for the entire hygiene system of the Jewish population of the city of Lemberg.
Already today it supports general outpatient clinics for adults, 1 children's outpatient clinic with an infant welfare and mothers' consultation office, 1 lung clinic, 1 first aid post, 1 general hospital with outpatient clinics and 1 hospital for chronic diseases, both with 250 beds each. The department for hygiene control (Physikat), which has just established 8 sanitation posts in the Jewish quarter, has the mission of checking and examining the sanitary condition of the apartments, yards, public places, alleys in the Jewish residential quarter, to issue instructions and orders, and even to impose penalties in the case of non-compliance.
Two hospitals for infectious diseases are being organized and will open shortly. In the locality of Rayon, 60 Jewish physicians and Jewish sanitary personnel have been delegated for the fighting of epidemics, and further doctors will be following them successively. In Kleparow and Zniesienie, 2 outpatient clinics for adults and in addition further outpatient clinics for children and pulmonary cases are being established in the Jewish quarter.
Finally, sanitation crews and 'block doctors' are being organized for the control and supervision of the hygienic situation for every 250 apartments.
The General Jewish Hospital at Kuszewiczagasse 5, with its departments for internal, surgical, gynecological, and pediatric diseases, for urology, laryngology, dermatological diseases, neurology, and the outpatient clinics affiliated with them, receives patients throughout the entire day. [...]
The children's outpatient clinic at Schleichergasse 5 and Bernsteingasse 5, with its consultation and welfare services for mothers and health clinic, receives sick children up to 14 years of age all through the day. Distribution of milk supplies for infants is done only at Schleichergasse 5."
At the beginning of June 1942, a large delousing facility for 1,500 persons per day, in which there was a boiler room, a hot air chamber, and steam heating facilities, was put in operation in the Lemberg Jewish quarter. The facility was intended for the Jews. By means of it
"[...] the Jews who are resettled within the city are processed through in the shortest time." 
According to the Polish-Jewish author Aleksander Krugłow, between March 19 and December 8, 1942, 251,000 Jews in 71 trains were brought to Bełżec, a figure which corresponds to nearly half of the alleged total number of victims of that camp. As is well known, Bełżec is supposed to have been an extermination camp established especially for the Jews in this area. In a report of June 30, 1943, SS-Gruppenführer Fritz Katzmann stated that the "evacuation from the district of Galicia" had been in operation "since April 1942" and explained:
"When the Senior SS- and Police Chief intervened once again with his police regulation of November 10, 1942, concerning the formation of Jewish residential districts, 254,989 Jews had already been evacuated or resettled."
A few pages later he adds:
"In the meantime, further evacuation was energetically pursued, so that effective of June 23, 1943, all Jewish quarters could be dissolved. The district of Galicia is, therefore, free of Jews, aside from the Jews who are in the camps under control of the SS- and Police Chief. The occasional Jews who were picked up were specially treated by the respective Ordnungspolizei and Gendarmerie men. A total of 434,329 Jews had emigrated up to June 27, 1943."
At that point in time, there were still 21,156 Jews in 21 Jewish camps.
T. Sandkühler interprets the expression "aus- bzw. umgesiedelt" as code words for "gassed or shot," but this is completely untenable, because the designation used by Katzmann for those who were shot is "sonderbehandelt" (specially treated), just as in the section cited above, as well as in the two following:
"[...] in the process, the whole bunch of Jewish shirkers and anti-social riff-raff was caught and specially treated. [...] These Jews, too, were dealt a special treatment."
On October 31, 1942, the "government district north Einsatzkommando 5. Komp. Pol. Rgt. 24," stationed at Rawa-Ruska, reported:
- "8 Jews handled according to orders" with the reason given "escaped from transport train;"
- 20 Jews "arrested" with the reason given "left resettlement district without permission and jumped off transport trains;"
- 5 Jews "handed over to the SS-Sonderkommando Bełżec;"
- 1 Jew "evacuated;"
- "1,023 Jews were evacuated in Kamionka-Strumilowa on October 28, 1942. Thus Kam.-Strum. is free of Jews"
In all likelihood the expression "handled according to orders" is to be understood to mean shooting. With respect to the other formulations: "evacuated" is not the same as "resettled" and the two designations do not have the same meaning as "handed over to the SS-Sonderkommando." Nonetheless the 1,023 'resettled' Jews are regarded by orthodox historians as 'gassed in Bełżec.' Finally, there is an indication that there was a 'resettlement quarter' in Rawa-Ruska even before a 'Jewish residential district' was established in the local ghetto.
The guidelines of the Jewish policy in the entire General Gouvernement were made known to the authorities of Lemberg by Brigadeführer Katzmann on August 6, 1942:
"Brigadeführer [Brigadier General] Katzmann announced that within half a year there will no longer be any Jews at large in the General Gouvernement. The people are in part being evacuated, in part are taken to camps. Occasional Jews living in the country are killed by the Einsatzkommandos. Jews concentrated in the cities are in part liquidated in large operations, partly evacuated, partly collected in labor camps."
These orders make a clear distinction between "evacuated" "taken to camps," and "killed" in the one case as well as "liquidated," "evacuated," and "collected into labor camps" in the other case. In no instance would "evacuated" allow anyone to understand it as synonymous for "killed" or "liquidated"; the expression is therefore to be taken quite literally.
It is unknown by what criteria the classification of the Jews into these three groups was performed and how large their respective percentages were, but it should be permissible to assume that the 'Soviet Jews' (i.e., Jews that moved to eastern Poland after its annexation by the Soviet Union in 1939) as well as those Jews who had committed anti-German acts or who were suspected of such, were supposed to be liquidated. On October 28, 1942, SS-Obergruppenführer Friedrich Wilhelm Krüger, in his capacity as Senior SS- and Police Chief in the General Gouvernement and Secretary of State for the Security Services, issued a "Police regulation concerning the formation of Jewish living quarters in the districts of Warsaw and Lublin," by which the establishment of 14 Jewish residential districts was prescribed. Also included was the Konskowola area, in which, according to the Slovakian Zionist Gisi Fleischmann, Belgian Jews were found in March 1943 (who obviously had arrived there via Auschwitz).
On November 10, 1942, Krüger also ordered the establishment of 41 Jewish quarters in the districts of Radom, Krakow, and Galicia.
These measures are not compatible with a policy of extermination. If, as official historiography has it, the establishment of these Jewish residential districts was aiming at concentrating the Jews in order to be able to liquidate them more easily, then why did the Bełżec camp, allegedly founded for the purpose of just this liquidation, terminate its 'extermination activity' in December of 1942, although 161,514 Jews were still living in the district of Galicia on December 31, 1942?
8. National-Socialist Policy of Resettlement of Jews in the East according to Demographer Eugene M. Kulischer
Our expositions, made in the preceding chapters, of the National-Socialist policy of Jewish resettlement in the east find enormously important support in the demographic studies of Professor Eugene M. Kulischer, who was a member of the International Labour Office in Montreal, Canada, during the Second World War. His book bears the title The Displacement of Population in Europe and was published in 1943. In compiling his notes, the author made use of the assistance of 24 institutions that he lists painstakingly.
Each of these institutions had at its disposal a dense network of channels of information in the various European nations, so that Kulischer was able to base his work upon the best existing sources. In his book, he devotes a highly interesting section to the problem of the expulsion and evacuation of Jews by the German government, which is written with scientific exactitude and is undergirded by a copious documentation. For this reason, this book constitutes probably the most reliable information about what the enemies of Germany knew in 1943, despite all of the treacherous atrocity propaganda concerning the NS Jewish policy. With rare precision, Kulischer explains above all the beginning phases of this policy:
"Until the outbreak of war, emigration was ostensibly encouraged; Chancellor Hitler said that he would willingly give a thousand mark note to every Jews who would leave. In practice, however, less humane and more effective methods of promoting Jewish emigration were adopted. Life in Germany was made impossible for Jews in order to induce them to leave, and when they left they had to abandon almost all their property. At the same time, a moral obligation to receive the Jews was imposed on other nations.
With the extension of German conquests, the aims of Germany's Jewish policy were widened to embrace the 'liberation of all Europe from the Jewish yoke'. Not only the deportation and segregation of the Jews, but their extermination also was an openly proclaimed objective of German policy. But the main factor which changed the character of the anti-Jewish measures lay in the changed conditions themselves. With the progress of the war, emigration possibilities became more and more restricted. On the other hand, Germany was now able to send the Jews to non-German territories under German control, so that as stimulated emigration declined, deportation increased. The Jews were either expelled to 'purge' a given country or city of its Jewish element, or they were concentrated in specific regions, cities or parts of cities to 'purge' the rest of the locality.
It must be emphasised that the wholesale and recurrent removal of Jews is at the same time an effective method of securing their . No regard is had to their prospects of earning livelihood; on the contrary, the transfer is carried out in such a way as to make it impossible for the Jews to reorganise his economic life." (Emphasis by the authors.)
One of the methods for the realization of this economic extermination was the following:
"First they [the Jews] are sent to the General Gouvernment. Then the town in which they were settled is 'purged'. In their new place of residence a ghetto is established. But even the ghetto does not give the Jews the security of a permanent residence, and they are again removed further east."
Kulischer then presents a little-known historical fact, which found its confirmation decades later:
"In many cases the immediate motive for expulsion or deportation was to make room for Germans. The first victims of expulsion on a grand scale were the Jews of the incorporated western Polish provinces, who were expelled along with the Polish inhabitants, in both cases to make room for the 'repatriated' Germans. Later, Jews were deported because, according the official statements, they owned apartments suitable for alien refugees from cities subject to air-raids."
In fact, Peter Witte has cited several examples of this German policy - approved by Hitler himself.
Afterwards Kulischer dedicates much space to the "Countries and Territories of Expulsion and Deportation" and furnishes figures, some of which exceed, others of which are below, but all of which lie within the same order of magnitude as those of the Korherr Report. For example, for the period up to the end of December 1942, he assumes 120,000 Jewish deportees from the territory of the Reich (compared to 100,516 given in the Korherr Report); for Austria he speaks of 40,000 (compared to 47,555 according to Korherr)), for the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia of 50,000 to 60,000 (compared to 69,677 in Korherr) and of 62,444 for Slovakia (compared to the Korherr figure of 56,691).
Regarding France, Kulischer writes:
"In midsummer 1942 a drive against foreign Jewish refugees in Paris marked the beginning of mass deportation from France to the ghettos and concentration camps of eastern Europe."
Regarding Belgium, he stresses:
"In the summer of 1942 deportation was resumed and from October onward it was on a larger scale. It may be estimated that up to December 1942 about 25,000 foreign Jews had been deported from Belgium, partly to eastern Europe and partly to France for fortification building."
With respect to Rumania, he cites the Krakauer Zeitung (Krakow Times) of August 13, 1942:
"According to a German source, '185,000 Jews have been evacuated since October of last year (i.e. 1941) into Transnistria, where they were housed in large ghettos until an opportunity arose for their removal further east. Today there still remain 272,409 Jews in the country... Both the provinces of Bessarabia and Bukovina can now be considered as free of Jews, excepting Czernowitz, where there are still about 16,000... It may be assumed that even during the present year a further 80,000 Jews could be removed to the eastern territories'. However, according to later reports, the Rumanian Government announced in October 1942 that there would be no more 'evacuations' to Transnistria."
Kulischer subsequently devotes a section to the question of the "Territories of Destination and Methods of Confinement." He stresses in particular the basic principle of the deportations of Jews:
"Some of the Jews from Belgium were sent to a neighbouring part of Western Europe for forced labour, but generally speaking the tendency has been to remove the Jews to the east. Many Western European Jews were reported to have been sent to the mines of Silesia. The great majority were sent to the General Government and, in ever growing numbers, to the eastern area, that is, to the territories which had been under Soviet rule since September 1939 and to the other occupied areas of the Soviet Union. During the early period, deportation meant removal to the General Government, but since 1940 the deported Jews have tended more and more to be sent exclusively to ghettos and labour camps."
Kulischer then moves on to the ghettos:
"The first ghettos were set up in Lodz in the winter 1939-1940. Since spring 1940 they have been introduced in a number of cities and towns in the Warthegau and the General Government. In the summer of 1940 the Germans segregated the district of Warsaw inhabited mainly by Jews under the pretext that it was a breeding-place of contagious diseases, and in the autumn of the same year a ghetto was formally established. All Jews living outside its confines were ordered to move into the ghetto and all Poles living inside to leave the ghetto area. Many Jews were also brought there from abroad. In the first half of 1942 about 500,000 persons were crowded into the Warsaw ghetto.
The growth of the ghettos is illustrated by the following estimates. In November 1941 the Institute of Jewish Affairs estimated the number of Jews confined in the ghettos 'at no less than 1,000,000'. In December 1941 figures released by Polish Jewish circles in London showed that about 1,300,000 Jews had been herded into eleven ghettos in various parts of the country. For the early summer 1942 the Institute of Jewish Affairs gave the number as 1,500,000. On October 28 and November 10, 1942, the Secretary of State for Security in the General Government issued regulations about Jewish ghettos in the five districts of the General Government (Warsaw, Lublin, Krakow, Radom and Galice), proving that from November 30, 1942, all General Government Jews must live in confined areas. Jews employed in armament and other war industries and living in closed camps are exempted. The confined areas are of two kinds: ghettos inside the larger towns, and purely Jewish towns, cleared of their non-Jewish population. In the whole of the General Government there are 13 ghettos, the largest being the Warsaw ghetto, and 42 Jewish towns.
Since the invasion of the U.S.S.R., ghettos have been established in western Bielorussia, western Ukraine and Baltic States, and also in occupied Russia.
The primary purpose of the ghettos and special Jewish towns is the segregation of the local Jewish population. This consists of the former inhabitants of the area which was turned into a ghetto or a Jewish town, the inhabitants of the same town who are removed to the ghetto, and Jews removed from other localities of the same country. For the second and third categories segregation in the ghetto meant compulsory removal, and for the third category forced migration also. The number of persons affected by this internal forced migration may have numbered many hundreds of thousands in the General Government alone.
The ghettos of the General Government or the eastern territories are also the usual destination of the Jews deported from the west by the German authorities or by the authorities of other countries allied to Germany."
Finally, Kulischer comes to the subject of the compulsory labor camps. He notes in this regard:
"Up to the summer of 1941, at least 85 Jewish labour camps were known to exist in the General Government. Of the 35 camps the position of which was known, two-thirds were located on the eastern frontier.
Forced labour for Jews expanded rapidly, having developed from a subsidiary measure in an essential feature of the treatment of Jews. [...]
During 1942, forced labour became the common fate of the Jews in Poland and German-occupied Soviet territory. The period for which Jews fit to work are liable for forced labour is no longer limited. Their removal to the east was largely motivated by the wish to make use of them as forced labour, and as Germany's need of manpower grew, deportation for adults of working age was tantamount to assignment to forced labour. In contrast with the other inhabitants of German-occupied countries, Jews are not sent to work in the Reich, because Jewish immigration would run counter the policy of making Germany 'free of Jews'. The needs of the war economy are, of course, compelling the German authorities to deviate from this rule to some extent, and indeed some exceptions have been reported. But, generally speaking, deportation to the east is for the Jews the equivalent of the recruitment for work in the Reich to which the rest of the population of German-controlled Europe is subject, and their removal further and further eastward is doubtless connected with the need for supplying the army's requirements near the front."
The author reckons the number of the "deported and expelled and... otherwise displaced" Jews to be 3,150,000, but makes this more precise:
"This does not include: (a) the hundreds of thousands of Polish Jews deported eastward from the General Government, and (b) hundreds of thousands of Jews transferred by compulsion within the limits of the same country or territory to be segregated in ghettos and special Jewish towns, in particular in the General Government and in the German-occupied Eastern Territories. Assuming that only a third of the resident Jews who remained in these territories were affected by (a) and (b), nearly 1,000,000 Jews must have been compulsorily removed eastward or from one town to another."
Nowhere does Kulischer speak of 'extermination camps' or of a German policy of the physical extermination of the Jews!
|||Seev Goshen, "Eichmann und die Nisko-Aktion im Oktober 1939", in: Viertelsjahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 1981, pp. 78f.|
|||Janina Kiełboń, "Deportacja Żydów do dystryktu lubelskiego (1939-1943)," in: Zeszyty Majdanka, XIV, 1992, p. 73.|
|||W. Benz (ed.), op. cit. (note 80), p. 76.|
|||J. Kiełboń, op. cit. (note 677), pp. 68f.|
|||Ibid., pp. 71f.|
|||Ibid., p. 73.|
|||Józef Kermisz, Dokumenty i Materiały do dziejów okupacji niemieckiej w Polsce, Tom II, "Akce" i "Wysiedlenia," Warsaw-Lodz-Krakow 1946, p. 10.|
|||Ibid., p. 11.|
|||Ibid., p. 14.|
|||Ibid., p. 27.|
|||Ibid., p. 28.|
|||Ibid., p. 15.|
|||Ibid., p. 46.|
|||Ibid., pp. 32f.|
|||Enzyklopädie des Holocaust, op. cit. (note 101), vol. II, p. 619. Not included in the English edition Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, op. cit. (note 18).|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 271.|
|||Ibid., pp. 275f.|
|||Dr. Marek Alten, Advisor for Jewish Affairs to the Governor of the Lublin District.|
|||J. Kermisz, op. cit. (note 682), p. 48.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 276.|
|||J. Kermisz, op. cit. (note 682), p. 49.|
|||Ibid., p. 54.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 438.|
|||J. Kermisz, op. cit. (note 682), p. 53.|
|||Ibid., p. 55.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 336.|
|||Lemberger Zeitung, no. 246, 17 October 1942, p. 5.|
|||J. Kiełboń, op. cit. (note 677), pp. 61-91.|
|||NO-5194, p. 9.|
|||NO-5194, p. 10.|
|||List of the new settlers. APL, PSZ 19, p. 195.|
|||W. Benz, Dimension des Völkermords, op. cit. (note 80), p. 76.|
|||In this section the author (Carlo Mattogno) summarizes the pertinent results of his study "Sonderbehandlung" ad Auschwitz, op. cit. (note 2), pp. 33-43 and 64-73), and adds some new elements. - See also Enrique Aynat, Estudios sobre el "Holocaustio," Valencia 1994.|
|||NG-2586-J, p. 6.|
|||Riešenie židowskiej otázky na Slovensku (1939 -1945). Dokumenty, Part 2, Edicia Judaica Slovaca, Bratislava 1994, pp. 59f\. Tragédia slovenských Židov. Fotografie a dokumenty, Bratislava 1949, p. 91 (reproduction of the transport plan). Tragédia slovenských Zidov. Fotografie a dokumenty, Banská Bystrica 1992, p. 161 (reproduction of the transport plan from March 26 to April 7, 1942).|
|||Riešenie..., op. cit. (note 711), pp. 38f.|
|||Ibid., p. 105.|
|||Ibid., pp. 108f.|
|||According to the transport lists cited in the preceding section, the 38 transports into the Lublin District comprised a total of 39,899 persons.|
|||The 10th transport departed on July 24, 1942.|
|||CJC, XXVb-126. A reproduction of the document can be found in E. Aynat, op. cit. (note 708), p. 87.|
|||The transports allegedly taken completely into the gas before July 4, 1942, are a pure invention. Cf. C. Mattogno, "Sonderbehandlung" ad Auschwitz, op. cit. (note 2), pp. 42f.|
|||Pohl Report to Himmler of 16 September 1942 on the subject: a) Armament work. b) Bomb damage. BAK, NS 19/14, pp. 131-133.|
|||Report of the SS-Untersturmführer Horst Ahnert of 1 September 1942. CDJC, XXVI-59.|
|||Dov Weissmandel, Min-hammetsar, Emunah, New York 1950, Document 8 (outside of the text). The title of the book (In Distress) is taken from Psalm 118: 5.|
|||Ibid., Document 23 (outside of the text).|
|||Serge Klarsfeld and Maxime Steinberg, Mémorial de la déportation des Juifs de Belgique, The Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, New York 1994, pp. 42-45.|
|||Irena is a suburb of Dęblin.|
|||Maria Tyszkowa, "Eksterminacja Żydów w latach 1941-1943. Dokumenty Biura Informacji i Propagandy KG AK w zbiorach oddziału rękopisów BUW," in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce, no. 4 (1964), 1992, p. 49.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 286.|
|||PS-212. IMT, Vol. XXV, p. 304.|
|||The Chief of the Sicherheitspolizei and of the SD. Event Report USSR no. 52 of August 14, 1941. NO-4540.|
|||See Chapter VI.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 52.|
|||Israelitisches Wochenblatt für die Schweiz, no. 42, October 16, 1942, pp. 10f.|
|||Actes et documents du Saint Siège relatifs à la seconde guerre mondiale. Le Saint Siège et les victimes de la guerre. Janvier 1941-Décembre 1942, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Vatican City 1975, Vol. 8, pp. 542f.|
|||From November 1941 to January 1942.|
|||The Junkers were members of the German squirarchy, young noblemen who partook of a long tradition of military service. Translator's note.|
|||Bradley F. Smith and Agnes Peterson (eds.), Heinrich Himmler. Geheimreden 1933 bis 1943, Propyläen Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1974, p. 200.|
|||Ibid., p. 201. Complete text: PS 22-33, IMT, Vol. XXIX, p. 620.|
|||Ibid., p. 201.|
|||Actes et Documents..., op. cit. (note 741), Vol. 8, p. 610.|
|||Bicycle racing stadium.|
|||R. Hilberg claims the Jews of Kislovodsk were not transferred, but were shot (op. cit. (note 17), vol. 3, p. 1315). But in his footnote 38 he refers to an extremely dubious source, namely the Black Book of I. Ehrenburg and V. Grossman (op. cit. (note 24). In this book, in which propaganda outweighs the truth many times over, the alleged massacre is mentioned by a supposed eyewitness, the Jewish journalist Moissei Samoilowitsch Evenson, whose statements are supposed to have been jotted down by another journalist, a Viktor Chklovski (I. Ehrenburg, V. Grossman, Le Livre Noir, op. cit. (note 24), pp. 460f.). The Soviet Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in the Stavrol Region claimed that on September 9, 1942, 2,000 Jews left the Kislovodsk railway station, but the train halted at a nearby site and the Jews were shot in a Panzer trap. Later, thousands of Jews from Essentuki were shot in the same trench. On July 10, 1943, it claimed, 6,300 bodies were found there. (GARF, 7445-2-93, pp. 31f.) But this sensational discovery had left behind no documentary traces, and the alleged mass murder is not mentioned in any of the Einsatzgruppen reports. In the standard work by Helmut Krausnick and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm (op. cit., note 657), the name of the city of Kislowodsk surfaces only one time (p. 202), and even there not in connection with a shooting of Jews.|
|||Reproduced in: La presse antiraciste sous l'occupation hitlérienne. Foreword by A. Raisky, Paris 1950, p. 179. We are indebted to Jean-Marie Boisdefeu for sending a photocopy of this page.|
|||J. Kermisz, op. cit. (note 682), pp. 35 and 39.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 438.|
|||J. Kermisz, op. cit. (note 682), p. 438.|
|||Reproduction of the document in: Thomas (Tovi) Blatt: Sobibor. The Forgotten Revolt. A Survivor's Report. H.E.P., Issaquah, 1998, documentation without pagination. Cf. also Pohl's letter to Himmler of July 15 and the reply of the Office of the Reichsführer-SS of July 24, 1943, both on the subject "Transit Camp Sobibór".|
|||Het Nederlandsche Roode Kruis. Afwikkelingsbureau Concentratiekampen. Sobibór. ROD, c[23.62.]09, p. 1|
|||Ibid., S-Gravenhage, Nov. 4, 1945, Verklaring 49, ROD, c[23.62.]09, p. 10.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 134, pp. 13f.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 177, p. 15.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 178, p. 16.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 180, p. 17.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 186, p. 18.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 188, p. 19.|
|||Ibid., Verklaring 192, p. 20.|
|||Jules Schelvis, Vernichtungslager Sobibor, Metropol Verlag, Berlin 1998, p. 137.|
|||Ibid., p. 140.|
|||Edward Dziadosz, Józef Marszałek, "Wiezienia i obozy w dystrykcie lubelskim w latach 1939-1944," in: Zeszyty Majdanka, III, 1969, pp. 109-120.|
|||J. Schelvis, op. cit. (note 765), p. 160.|
|||"Erfahrungsbericht" of the transport leader Josef Frischmann; ibid., pp. 70f.|
|||Gerlach, op. cit. (note 419), p. 761.|
|||Ibid., p. 762.|
|||Ibid., p. 763.|
|||Jean-Marie Boisdefeu, La controverse sur l'extermination des Juifs par les Allemands, Tome 2: Réalités de la "solution finale", Vrij Historisch Onderzoek, Antwerp 1996, pp. 65-71; Jean-Marie Boisdefeu, La controverse sur l'extermination des Juifs par les Allemands. Corrigenda et addenda, Vrij Historisch Onderzoek, Antwerp 1998, pp. 10-18.|
|||IMT, Vol. VI, p. 291.|
|||Dr. Guérin, Rawa Ruska, Editions Oris, Paris 1945, p. 13.|
|||Protocol of the Soviet Investigatory Commission for Rawa Ruska of September 26-30, 1944. GARF, 7021-67-78, pp. 138f.|
|||See lists in Notes 797f., pp. 266.|
|||P. Friedman, Roads to Extinction. Essays on the Holocaust, The Jewish Publication Society of America, New York and Philadelphia 1980, p. 305.|
|||Ehrenburg, V. Grossman, Le Livre Noir, op. cit. (note 24), p. 213.|
|||Event Report USSR no. 14 of July 6, 1941, PGVA, 500-2-229, pp. 5f.|
|||Event Report USSR no. 28 of July 20, 1942, PGVA, 500-2-229, pp. 113f.|
|||Activity and Situation Report no. 6 of the Einsatzgruppen of the Sicherheitspolizei and of the SD in the USSR (Report period from October 1-31, 1941). RGVA, 500-1-25/1, p. 151.|
|||RGVA, 1323-2-292b, pp. 158-158a.|
|||"Announcement. Re: Compulsory labor for the Jewish population in the District of Galicia." Reproduction of the document in: Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 228.|
|||"Besprechung über die Bildung eines jüdischen Wohnbezirk in der Stadt Lemberg, unter dem Vorsitz des Governors". Lemberg, November 6, 1941, DAL, R 35-2-155, pp. 33-36.|
|||Tatiana Berenstein, "Eksterminacja ludnosci zydoskiej w dystrykcie Galicja (1941-1943)," in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce, no. 61, 1967, p. 17.|
|||"Mitteilungen des Judenrats in Lemberg für die Jüdische Gemeinde, Nr. 1. Jänner 1942", p. 6 DAL, R 35-12-5-, p. 5.|
|||"Fleckfiebergefahr in Lemberg gebannt. Neue Entwesungsanstalt - Täglich werden 1500 Personen durchgeschleust", in: Lemberger Zeitung, July 9, 1942, p. 5|
|||Aleksander Krugłow, "Deportacja ludnosci żydowskiej z dytryktu Galicja do obozu zagłady w Bełzcu w 1943 r.," in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce, no. 3 (151), 1989, p. 107.|
|||L-018. IMT, Vol. XXXVII, p. 398.|
|||IMT, Vol. XXXVII, p. 401.|
|||T. Sandkühler, op. cit. (note 653), p. 460.|
|||L-018. IMT, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 393f.|
|||RGVA, 1323-2-292b, p. 29.|
|||Krugłow, op. cit. (note 789, p. 106, speaks for those deported to Bełżec on October 28, 1942, while Y. Arad contents himself with "hundreds," op. cit. (note 72), p. 385.|
|||DAL, R-35-12-42, p. 70.|
|||Verordnungsblatt für das Generalgouvernement. Issued at Krakow, November 1, 1942. No. 94, p. 665: a) in the District of Warsaw in: city of Warsaw (ghetto), Kaluszyn (Kreishauptmannschaft Minsk), Sobolew (Administrative District Garwolin), Kossów (Administrative District Sokolow), Rembertów (Administrative District Warsaw-Land), Siedlce (Administrative District Siedlce); b) in the District of Lublin in: Łuków Parczew and Międzyrzec (Administrative District Radzyn), Włodawa (Administrative District Chom), Konskowola (Administrative District Puławy), Piaski (Administrative District Lublin-Land), Zaklików (Administrative District Krasnik), Izbica (Administrative District Krasnystaw).|
|||Verordnungsblatt für das Generalgouvernement Issued at Krakow, November 14, 1942, no. 98, pp. 683f.: a) in the Radom District in: Sandowmierz (Administrative District Opatow), Szydlowice (Administrative District Radom), Radomsko (Administrative District Radomsco), Ujazd (Administrative District Tomaszow); b) in the Krakow district in: Przemysl (Administrative District Przemysl), Reichshof (Administrative District Reichshof), Tarnow (Administrative District Tarnow), Bochnia (Administrative District Krakow-Land), Krakow-City (ghetto); c) in the District of Galicia in: Lemberg-City (ghetto), Bóbrka (Administrative District Lemberg-Land), Jaryczów Nowy (Administrative District Lemberg-Land), Gródek (Administrative District Lemberg-Land), Rudki (Administrative District Lemberg-Land), Jaworów (Lemberg-Land), Zloczów (Administrative District Lemberg-Land), Przemyslany (Administrative District Zloczów), Brody (Administrative District Zloczów), Razwa-Ruska (ghetto), Administrative District Rawa-Ruska, Lubaczów (Administrative District Rawa-Ruska), Busk (Administrative District Kamionka- Strumilowa), Sokal (Administrative District Kamionka-Strumilowa), Brzezany (ghetto), Administrative District Brzezany, Bukaczowce (Administrative District Brzezany), Podhajce (Administrative District Brzezany), Rohatyn (Administrative District Brzezany), Tarnopol (Administrative District Tarnopol), Skalat (Administrative District Tarnopol), Trembola (Administrative District Tarnopol), Zborów (Administrative District Tarnopol), Zbaraz (Administrative District Tarnopol), Czortków (ghetto) Administrative District Czortków, Buczacz (Administrative District Czortków), Borszczów (Administrative District Czortków), Kopyczynce (Administrative District Czortków), Tluste-City (Administrative District Czortków), Stanislau-City (ghetto) Administrative District Stanislau Stryj- City (Administrative District Stryj), Drohobycz (ghetto) Administrative District Drohobycz, Boryslaw (ghetto) Administrative District Drohobycz, Sambor (ghetto) Administrative District Sambor.|
|||NO-5194, p. 11.|
|||Eugene M. Kulischer, The Displacement of Population in Europe. Published by the International Labour Office, Montreal 1943.|
|||Ibid., p. 5: The American Friends Service, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; the American National Red Cross, Washington; the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, New York; the American Jewish Committee Research Institute on Peace and Post-War Problems, New York; the Belgian Information Center, New York; the Board of Economic Warfare, Washington; the Central and Eastern European Planning Board, New York; the Czechoslovak Information Service, New York; the United States Department of Commerce, Washington; the Finnish Legation, Washington; the French Information Center, New York; The French National Committee, Delegation to the United States, New York; the Greek Office of Information, Washington; the Hias-Ica Emigration Association (Hicem), New York; the International Red Cross, Washington; the Institute of Jewish Affairs, New York; the Latvian Legation, Washington; the Lithuanian Consulate-General, New York; the Office of Population Research, Princeton, New Jersey; the ORT Economic Research Committee, New York; the Polish Information Center, New York; the Turkish Embassy, Washington; the Young Men's Christian Association, New York; the Royal Yugoslav Government Information Center, New York.|
|||Ibid., p. 95.|
|||Directly after this, Kulischer speaks of "economic extermination," which proves that he does not mean physical liquidation but rather disempowerment when using the term "extermination".|
|||Ibid., p. 96.|
|||Peter Witte, op. cit. (note 550), pp. 43-46.|
|||Eugene Kulischer, op. cit. (note 800), p. 101.|
|||Ibid., p. 102.|
|||Ibid. Kulischer overestimates the number of the Jews deported from France up to the summer of 1943 in that he speaks of 70,000, while the actual figure was approximately 54,000. (Serge Klarsfeld, Mémorial de la Déportation des Juifs de France, Paris 1978.)|
|||E. Kulischer, ibid., p. 104.|
|||Ibid., p. 106.|
|||Ibid., p. 107.|
|||Ibid., pp. 107f.|
|||Ibid., p. 110.|
|||Kulischer gives as an example the deportation of 200 Jews from the Ukrainian Poltava to Vienna. ibid., p. 110, his note 1.|
|||Ibid., p. 113.|