1. Deportations of Jews from the Warsaw Ghetto (1942)
The facts and circumstantial evidence assembled so far lead to the conclusion that Treblinka was mainly a transit camp established for the Jewish population of the Warsaw district, which fits within the framework of National Socialist policy of the resettlement of Jews to the east. The verifiable deportations to Treblinka can be explained in this sense. Let us begin with those from the Warsaw Ghetto.
According to the files of the Jewish Council of Warsaw, the following Jews were evacuated from the ghetto in the summer of 1942:
Thus, 251,545 Jews are supposed to have been deported to Treblinka and murdered there, another 11,315 Jews, however, are supposed to have been deported to the transit camp of the ghetto and put to work there. Are these figures reliable?
First, we emphasize the enormous discrepancy between the number of those fit and those unfit for labor: the former were supposed to have comprised 4.5%, the latter 95.5% of the deportees! Compared to this, on June 30, 1942, in the ghetto of Lodz, 68,896 Jews were employed, i.e. fit for work, of a total population of 102,546 Jews, therefore 67.2%!
Railway documents dealing with the deportation of Jews from Warsaw are unfortunately extremely rare. For the period of interest to us only a single schedule exists relating to this. It was issued on August 3, 1942, by the General Management of the Eastern Railway in Krakow and reads:
"From August 6, 1942, until further notice, a special train with resetlers is running from Warsaw Danz BF [Danzig railway station] to Treblinka and running empty as follows [...]"
The departure of one train per day was scheduled: "1/. P Kr 9085 / 9.30 / Warsaw Danz Bf - Małkinia - Treblinka," with departure at 12:25 PM, arrival at 4:20 PM, and return "2/. Ln Kr 9086 / 11.30 / Treblinka - Małkinia - Warsaw Danz Bf" with departure at 7:00 PM and arrival at 11:19 PM.
Moreover, Albert Ganzenmüller, Secretary of State in the Reichsverkehrsministerium (Ministry of Transport) and Deputy General Director of the German Reichsbahn (Imperial railway), made the following report to SS-Gruppenführer Wolff on July 28, 1942:
"Since July 22, a train with 5,000 Jews makes a daily trip from Warsaw to Treblinka via Małkinia, in addition to a train with 5,000 Jews traveling twice a week from Przemysl to Belzec."
On August 13, Wolff responded:
"I have noted with especial pleasure your report that a train with 5,000 members of the Chosen People has already been running for 14 days to Treblinka every day, and we are thus indeed in a position to carry out this movement of population at an accelerated tempo."
On April 11, 1962, Wolff was confronted with this letter during questioning as a witness at the preliminary investigations for the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial. Wolff made the following statement in reply to this:
"At the time I did not connect the notion of a mass extermination camp with the name of Treblinka. I assumed it was a Jewish reservation [sic], as Himmler had explained it to me."
Incredibly, not a single German report concerning such a large-scale displacement of population has been preserved. The only numerical information available to us comes from a terse excerpt from the Stroop Report:
"The first large resettlement action took place in the period from 22 July to 3 October 1942. In this action 310,322 Jews were removed."
This figure is definitely reliable and on the whole it corresponds to the table cited above, so that this may be taken to reflect actual numbers. It is also quite probable that most of the transports went to Treblinka. It also is clear from the few preserved train schedules that the trains were emptied at Treblinka and returned to their departure point without passengers. Of course, none of this proves that the deportees were murdered in Treblinka. The "Disclosures and Conditions for the Jewish Council" of July 22, 1943, prescribed:
"All Jewish persons who live in Warsaw, of whatever age and sex, are to be resettled to the east."
Exempted from the resettlement were, among others:
"[...] all Jewish persons who, on the first day of the evacuation, are in one of the Jewish hospitals and unable to be discharged. Whether a patient is able to be released is to be determined by a physician to be selected by the Jewish Council."
The following regulation pertains to the baggage:
"Each Jewish resettler is allowed to bring along 15 kg of his property as baggage for the trip. All valuables: gold, jewelry, money, etc., can be taken along. A food supply for 3 days should be brought along."
The announcement of the Jewish Council - likewise dated July 22, 1942 - contained the same instructions but began as follows:
"By order of the German authorities all Jewish persons who live in Warsaw, of whatever age and sex, are to be resettled to the east."
The instructions in regard to baggage contained the following warning:
"Baggage of more than 15 kg will be confiscated."
In an announcement of July 24, 1942, the Jewish Council proclaimed:
"As a result of incorrect information, which is circulating in the Jewish quarter of Warsaw in connection with the evacuation, the Jewish Council in Warsaw was given permission by the authorities to announce that the evacuation of the populace not productively active in the Jewish quarter of Warsaw will, in fact, occur."
On July 29, 1942, the Director of the Jewish Ordnungsdienst (law & order services) issued the following summons:
"I am hereby announcing that all persons, who will be resettled according to the instruction of the authorities, will voluntarily report for the journey on the 29th, 30th, and 31st of July of this year, will receive 3 kg of bread and 1 kg of jam. Place of assembly for distribution of the products - Stawikiplatz at the Wildstraße corner."
The German authorities were providing 180,000 kg of bread and 36,000 kg of jam for the volunteers.
Let us summarize: The Jews of the Warsaw Ghetto were supposed "to be resettled to the east"; sick persons in the hospitals who were "unable to be discharged" were exempt from the evacuation; every person ready for resettlement received 3 kg of bread and 1 kg of jam - all of this does not conform to a policy of extermination.
It is worthwhile to quote what Eugene Kulischer wrote in this regard:
"For the Polish ghettos are not the last stage in the forced eastward migration of the Jewish people. On 20 November 1941, the Governor General, Hans Frank, broadcast the information that the Polish Jews would ultimately be transferred further east. Since the summer of 1942 the ghettos and labour camps in the German-occupied Eastern Territories have become the destination of deportees both from Poland and from western and central Europe; in particular, a new large-scale transfer from the Warsaw ghetto has been reported. Many of the deportees have been sent to the labour camps on the Russian front; others to work in the marshes of Pinsk, or to the ghettos of the Baltic countries, Bielorussia and Ukraine."
Kulischer even knew all about the fact that
"on 22 July 1942, the Jewish Council of Warsaw received an order to prepare 6,000 persons to be sent away daily."
In the months that followed, letters and post cards, which were addressed to their relatives by deported Jews, arrived in the Warsaw Ghetto from Białystok, Pinsk, Bobruisk, Brzezc, Smolensk, Brest Litovsk, and Minsk. The resistance organizations in the ghetto, who at that time were already peddling the atrocity stories of the steam chambers, were of course making fast and loose claims that these letters and cards were forgeries fabricated by the Germans for the purpose of deceiving the Jews. On December 4, 1942, this claim was put out in an announcement of the Jewish resistance organization. And in an appeal of January 1943 by the Jewish resistance organization of the Warsaw Ghetto, it said:
"In the course of the last weeks, people of certain circles were spreading news about letters, which supposedly came from Jews who were evacuated from Warsaw and who are now supposed to be in labor camps at Pinsk or Bobruisk."
The authors of the appeal were alleging that such news was being spread by people "who are working for the Gestapo." The official historiography later gave up this simple-minded assertion and has supported the thesis that the letters and post cards had been "written under duress at Treblinka," but not a single one of the self-described survivors of Treblinka has made claims of this kind. In fact, this information confirms - however fragmentarily - the picture drawn by E. Kulischer.
On May 30, 1943, a transport was sent to Bobruisk with 960 Jews, who had been arrested in the Warsaw Ghetto. On July 28 of the same year, another transport of Jews from Warsaw arrived in Bobruisk; a portion of the deportees were sent on to Smolensk.
In the Informacja Bieżąca no. 30 of August 17, 1942, is a reference to 2,000 "skilled workers" on a transport of August 1 from the Warsaw Ghetto to Smolensk. Another transport with 2,000 craftsmen departed for Malaszewicz, a town at the border to White Russia, about 12 km from Brest. The report of September 7, 1942, "Liquidation of the Warsaw Ghetto" mentioned earlier confirmed:
"Two small transports with 4,000 persons were sent for labor at installations important for the war in Brzesc and Malachowicze."
Finally, the arrival of at least one transport from the Warsaw Ghetto at a location east of Treblinka has been documented beyond any question. On 31 July 1942, the Reichskommissar for White Russia, Wilhelm Kube, sent a telegram to the Reichskommissar for the Ostland, Heinrich Lohse, in which he protested the dispatching of a transport of "1,000 Jews from Warsaw to work at Minsk," because this would lead to danger of epidemics and an increase in partisan activity.
On August 5, 1942, Lohse responded in a letter with the subject "Import of 1,000 Jews from Warsaw," in which he indicated that
"the practical realization of the solution of the Jewish problem is exclusively a matter for the police."
The responsibility "for the orderly realization of the measures," was also that of the police, so that protests were not permissible.
Kube took up the problem anew in a letter written on August 17, 1942, to Lohse (again on the subject "Import of 1,000 Jews from Warsaw") and requested further instructions, since he wished to make "fundamental decisions concerning the taking in of further Jews into White Russia as a police matter."
At least one Jewish transport "with workers" (P KR 9130) arrived in Treblinka on August 25, 1942, from Międzyrzec Podlanski, but there is no reference that it was for the labor camp Treblinka I.
Deportations of Jews from the Warsaw Ghetto to ghettos of the Baltic countries Latvia and Lithuania find additional confirmation in the deportation lists of Jewish transports already mentioned from Kaunas and Riga to Stutthof in the summer of 1944. These lists, although only fragmentarily preserved, include the names of approximately 1,200 Polish Jews, among them 112 boys and girls of up to 15 years of age.
Furthermore, sources already cited earlier mention the transfer of Jews from Polish ghettos to the Ukraine by way of Bełżec at the end of March 1942. G. Reitlinger writes regarding this:
"The reports, which reached the Polish Exile Government in London, that Jews were resettled in Russia from Belzec camp, should be discounted as part of the camouflage that Heydrich had been creating since the Wannsee conference. In fact, the allusions to the Krivoi Rog Jewish colonies and the Pinsk land reclamation camps may derive from fake field postcards."
Therefore, while the Einsatzgruppen were allegedly shooting Jews in the broad light of day and with no attempt at secrecy, other SS people were taking pains to forge postcards in order to cover up their alleged mass murders in 'extermination camps'!
2. Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and the Stroop Report
In his well-known report of May 16, 1943, about the destruction of the Warsaw Ghetto, SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop emphasized:
"When the Reichsführer SS visited Warsaw in January 1943 he ordered the SS and Police Leader for the District of Warsaw to transfer to Lublin the armament factories and other enterprises of military importance which were installed within the Ghetto including their personnel and machines."
According to Y. Arad, 6,000 Jews were deported from the Warsaw Ghetto to Treblinka between the 18th and the 22nd of January 1943. In fact, Himmler had ordered SS-Obergruppenführer Krüger on January 9, 1943, to transfer 8,000 Jews from the Warsaw Ghetto into the camps in the area around Lublin and to deport another 15,000 up to the 15th of February. On February 2, 1943, SS-Oberführer Ferdinand von Sammern, SS and Police Chief in the Warsaw district, sent a secret letter to Himmler, which he wrote in reference to the firms in the Warsaw Ghetto:
"Not only the firm of Többen and Schulz & Co., but also all the rest, 8 firms altogether with approximately 20,000 Jewish workers, are being relocated into the concentration camp at Lublin."
According to the Stroop Report, the number of deported Jews amounted to 6,500.
On March 31, 1943, Dr. Max Horn, together with Odilo Globocnik, the Director of the firm Ostindustrie GmbH (Osti), informed the Director of the Central Construction Office of Lublin-Majdanek:
"Due to the order of the Reichsführer SS, for police reasons and in the interests of increasing the Jewish labor assignment, the important armament firms located in the Warsaw Ghetto that have a Jewish work force must be moved as quickly as possible. The move will be to Poniatowa, Trawniki, and Lublin into buildings that are already there."
The Jews resisted a voluntary evacuation, and on April 19, Stroop advanced into the ghetto with his troops, after which the armed struggle began.
The Stroop Report is cited by official historiography as proof that Treblinka was an extermination camp. For example, G. Reitlinger claims that "7,000 Jews had officially been killed in the ghetto and 7,000 'taken to T 2.'" R. Hilberg picks up this number:
"Several thousand Jews had been buried in the debris, and 56,065 had surrendered. Seven thousand of the captured Jews were shot; another 7,000 were transported to the death camp at Treblinka, 15,000 were shipped to the concentration camp and killing center at Lublin, and the remainder were sent to labor camps."
Neither Reitlinger nor Hilberg give the sources for these figures. This turns out to be a teletype of May 24, 1943, in which Stroop reported:
"Of the total of 56,065 Jews registered, approximately 7,000 were wiped out as a result of the major action in the former Jewish quarter itself. By transport to T. II, 6,929 Jews were destroyed, so that in all 13,929 Jews were annihilated. Beyond the figure of 56,065, an estimated 5-6,000 Jews were destroyed by explosions and by fire."
This teletype is not contained in the Stroop Report, which bears the title "There is no longer a Jewish residential district in Warsaw!" and was presented as document PS-1061 during the Nuremberg Trial. The Stroop Report actually ends with a teletype of May 16, 1943. L. Poliakov and J. Wulf say in a footnote:
"Document PS-1061 also contains a copy of the Stroop Report with a report of the day from May 24, 1943 (see facsimile), which is missing from the original report."
The passage involved was cited at the Nuremberg Trial at the proceedings of December 14, 1945.
Stroop supplied three different versions about the fate of the 56,065 registered Jews. We have already become familiar with the one contained in the teletype of May 24 and taken up by R. Hilberg. In the teletype of May 16 he reported:
"The total number of Jews registered and proven killed amounts to a total of 56,065" (Emphasis by the authors.)
Yet it is obviously false that 56,065 Jews were "proven killed"!
In a statement of February 24, 1946, made under oath, Stroop finally gave the following testimony:
"After the people were taken out of the ghetto, 50 to 60,000 in number, they were taken to the railroad station. The security police had absolute control over these people and had the transportation to Lublin under their [authority]."
According to this, the 56,065 registered Jews were deported to Lublin.
The Stroop Report raises still other problems. Its author presents statistics, in which two categories of Jews are named: those killed and those 'registered,' but those killed also belong to the latter. From the 23rd of April, Stroop gives the total number of the Jews who were "already evacuated or registered for relocation": 19,450.
In the following table we reproduce the figures of the Stroop Report, in which we separate the number of those killed from that of those 'registered' when they are given together, so that the respective column lists only the Jews held alive. One arrives at the total number by adding to the total of the previous day the figures of the day after, for example (for the 24th and 25th of April) 25,500 + 1,964 + 27,464. The single exception is the numbers for the 23rd and 24th of April, since 19,450 + 1,990 = 21,440 and not 25,500, so that (25,500 - 21,440 =) 4,060 persons are missing. In the report of April 24, Stroop mentions also 1,814 Jews who were "pulled out of bunkers" and who had to be added to the "1,660 Jews [who] were seized for relocation," so that the total number missing is (4,060 - 1,814 =) 2,246. These Jews presumable belong to the 3,500 'registered' on the previous day, as in the report for May 6, in which the 2,850 Jews "registered for the relocation" were included in the total number of the day before, although Stroop reports a figure of 1,070 as the total number for the day.
|650||22 Apr. 1943||230||1,100||1,330|||
|652||23 Apr. 1943||800||2,700||3,500||19,450|
|655||24 Apr. 1943||330||1,660||1,990||25,500|
|656||25 Apr. 1943||274||1,690||1,964||27,464|
|659||26 Apr. 1943||1,692||30||1,722||29,186|
|661||27 Apr. 1943||547||2,013||2,560||31,746|
|664||28 Apr. 1943||110||1,545||1,655||33,401|
|665||29 Apr. 1943||106||2,253||2,359||35,760|
|667||30 Apr. 1943||179||1,420||1,599||37,359|
|668||1 May 1943||245||781||1,026||38,385|
|670||2 May 1943||235||1,617||1,852||40,237|
|672||3 May 1943||95||1,474||1,569||41,806|
|674||4 May 1943||204||2,079||2,283||44,089|
|676||5 May 1943||126||944||1,070||45,159|
|677||6 May 1943||356||1,553||1,909||47,068|
|679||7 May 1943||255||1,019||1,274||48,342|
|680||8 May 1943||280||1,091||1,371||49,713|
|682||9 May 1943||573||1,037||1,610||51,313|
|683||10 May 1943||187||1,183||1,370||52,683|
|685||11 May 1943||51||931||982||53,667|
|686||12 May 1943||133||663||796||54,463|
|687f.||13 May 1943||155||561||716||55,179|
|691||14 May 1943||154||398||552||55,731|
|692||15 May 1943||67||87||154||55,885|
|693||16 May 1943||180||0||180||56,065|
The total number of Jews killed is 7,564. Insofar as Treblinka is concerned, this camp is abbreviated to "T II" four times in the Stroop Report. The first time it is mentioned is in the teletype of April 25. The relevant text, which we reproduce below, is often cited in the official literature as proof that Treblinka is supposed to have been an extermination camp:
"Today's action came to an end with almost every shock troop, in that huge fires broke out and thereby caused the Jews to leave their hiding places and bolt holes. There were 1,690 Jews captured alive. According to the tales the Jews relate, there are definitely paratroopers who were dropped and such bandits among them, who were supplied with weapons from an unknown location. 274 Jews were shot and, as on all days, countless Jews buried alive and burned in blown-up bunkers, as can be discovered time after time. With the Jews who have been bagged today, in my opinion a very large part of the bandits and lowest elements of the ghetto have been captured. Due to the onset of darkness, their immediate liquidation was no longer carried out. I will try to get a train to T II for tomorrow, otherwise the liquidation will be carried out tomorrow."
One day after this, Stroop noted in his teletype:
"At present there are no more of the registered Jews in Warsaw. The prescribed transport to T II took place."
The next mention of Treblinka occurs in the teletype of May 12:
"The transports of Jews now leaving from here are being taken to T II for the first time today."
Finally, the teletype of May 13 read:
"Today 327 Jews were captured in a Wehrmacht operation. The Jews now captured are only led to T II."
The Stroop Report gives rise to three questions in this connection:
- How many Jews were deported to 'T II'?
- Were the Jews deported to Treblinka gassed?
- Where did the majority of the Jews from the ghetto go?
We will now address the first of these questions. On April 25, 1943, a total of 1,990 Jews were taken prisoner, of whom 274 were shot. The shooting operation was interrupted by the onset of twilight. The transport to Treblinka thus was able to include merely the remaining (1,990 - 274 =) 1,660 persons. But this is the largest number of those deported to Treblinka in a single day. This is confirmed by the fact that on the next day, 1,722 Jews were taken prisoner, of whom 1,692 were killed, and the total number for the 26th of April corresponds to that of April 25 plus those 1,722 Jews: 27,460 + 1,722 = 29,186.
In the report of May 12, it says the Jewish transports leaving from Warsaw were conducted to "T II for the first time" on that day. It is not clear how this fits with the transport of April 25, which went to Treblinka as the first. However that may be, it is clear from the teletype of May 13 that only the Jews captured daily were sent to Treblinka.
According to the table above, on May 12, 1,709 Jews were taken prisoner.
The maximum number of Jews deported to Treblinka during this period therefore amounts to (1,660 + 1,709 =) 3,369. It is thus not clear how Stroop arrived at a figure of 6,929 in his teletype of May 24. But more important is another problem: if these Jews were destroyed in 'T II,' then does this mean that Treblinka was a camp established for the purpose of killing people? In our view, the 'liquidation' there of a few thousand Jews, whom the SS classified as "bandits and lowest elements of the ghetto" proves neither that they were gassed, nor that Treblinka was operated as an 'extermination camp.' If one keeps in mind that the camp was only 80 km from Warsaw, then it would not be surprising if the SS had shot a few thousand people there whom they were unable or unwilling to execute in the city. But another problem arises. In the introduction to his report Stroop writes:
"During the major operation, Jews could be captured who already had been shifted to Lublin or Treblinka, broke out of there and returned to the ghetto supplied with weapons and munitions."
There is thus reason to doubt that the (according to Stroop) 6,929 Jews deported to Treblinka were all 'annihilated.' One of these Jews, a Samuel Zylbersztajn, was in fact deported to Majdanek on April 30, 1943, from the alleged extermination camp Treblinka as a member of a transport of 308 Jews. The translated title of the report of his experiences is "The Memoirs of an Inmate of Ten Camps." After the 'extermination camp' Treblinka, Zylbersztajn also survived the 'extermination camp' Majdanek and eight 'ordinary' concentration camps; he is thus living proof of the fact that the Germans did not systematically exterminate their Jewish prisoners.
"Some of the transports from Warsaw reached Lublin by way of Treblinka, where the selection of the deportees took place."
This fact is confirmed by some witnesses who were interrogated within the framework of the extradition proceedings against John Demjanjuk in the USA. In the official compilations of the interrogations, which we have in our possession, the names of the witnesses have been rendered unreadable, so that we refer to the respective date, on which the interrogation occurred.
Interrogation of December 12, 1979: The witness was deported in April 1943 from Warsaw to Treblinka. On the next day he was transferred to Majdanek, where he spent 6-7 days; afterward he went to Budzyn for approximately a year. From Budzyn he was sent to Wieliczka (in the vicinity of Krakow), from there to Flossenbürg in mid-1944, and finally to Leitmeritz.
Interrogation of December 17, 1979: the witness was deported from Krakow to Płaszów, and from there to Auschwitz. After that he went to Oranienburg and finally to Flossenbürg. He stated that he spent one single day in Treblinka without giving details.
Interrogation of January 3, 1980: the witness was taken prisoner in May 1943 in Warsaw and sent directly to Majdanek, from where he was later transferred to Budzyn.
Interrogation of March 7, 1980: The witness was deported in April 1943 from Warsaw to Treblinka, where he remained for only one day; afterwards he was transferred along with 180 other prisoners to Majdanek. After two days the trip continued to Budzyn, where he spent two years. He was liberated by the Soviets from an unnamed German concentration camp.
Interrogation of March 11, 1980: the witness was sent to Treblinka in April 1943, where he remained for only a day. Transfer to Majdanek, thence to Budzyn, where he was interned for about a year. Liberated on May 5, 1945, from Mauthausen.
Interrogation of July 18, 1980: the witness was deported on April 18, 1943, from Warsaw to Majdanek. After 5 weeks he went to Auschwitz and then - toward the end of 1944 - to Gusen (a subcamp of Mauthausen) where he was liberated.
The verdict of the Jury Court of Düsseldorf determined, plainly and clearly, on September 3, 1965, that
"coming from Treblinka, several thousand people are said to have arrived at other camps."
In conclusion, we now turn to the question of to what location/s the majority of the deportees were sent. According to T. Berenstein and A. Rutkowski, 30,000 to 40,000 Jews were deported from the Warsaw Ghetto to Lublin, where several transports arrived by way of Treblinka, where a selection of those able to work had been conducted beforehand. The Polish historian Zofia Leszczyńska writes that the Jews from Warsaw were distributed as follows: 14,000 to Poniatowo, 6,000 to Trawniki, 800 to Budzyn, and 16,000 to Majdanek. According to their chronology of the transports, which contain large data gaps, the following transports of Jews arrived in the Lublin-Majdanek camp from Warsaw:
|April 27:||3,496 persons including children|
|April 28:||number unknown, including children|
|April 30:||number unknown, including children|
|May 1:||number unknown, including children|
|May 2:||number unknown, including children|
|May 3:||number unknown, including children|
|May 8:||861 men|
|May 9:||895 men|
|May 10:||875 men|
|May 14:||number unknown, including children.|
3. Deportations from the ghetto of Białystok and the Transit Camp Małkinia
The clearing out of the ghetto of Białystok was planned for the 16th of August 1943. The Jews in the ghetto put up a weak resistance, and on the 16th to the 20th of August there were clashes until the inhabitants were overpowered by the Germans. As to the fate of the Jews taken prisoner, the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust reports:
"The deportations from the ghetto began on August 18 and went on for three days, in the course of which the greater part of Białystok's Jews were deported. Some were sent to Treblinka, where they were murdered, and others to Majdanek, where they went through a Selektion. Those who were found fit were taken to the Poniatowa camp the Bliżyn camp, or to Auschwitz. A train with 1,200 Białystok children aboard was sent to Theresienstadt; a month later, these children too ended up in Auschwitz."
"A chance survival of way-bills in the Königsberg office of the German State Railways reveals the fact that five special trains left Bialystok for Treblinka between August 21st and 27th, 1943. 266 wagons were sent. On such a journey, occupying normally two-and-a-half hours, a box-car would hold from eighty to a hundred Jews. Thus there was room for all 25,000 survivors."
According to Reitlinger, these 25,000 Jews were all 'gassed.' The source cited by him is the English translation of an article written by Z. Łukaszkiewicz, which we cited in Chapter III. There, a "wykaz wagonów" (railway carriage label), a telegram of August 18, as well as a "railway schedule no. 290" from the railway administration of Königsberg are mentioned, in which we find the order:
"The following special trains for the transport of resettlers are running from Białystok to Małkinia, destination Treblinka."
As we have already seen, the schedule in the documents cited by Łukaszkiewicz looks like this:
|17 August:||39 cars|
|18 August:||39 cars|
|19 August:||35 cars|
|21 August:||38 cars|
|21 August:||38 cars|
|22 August:||38 cars|
|22 August:||38 cars|
|23 August:||38 cars|
In all: 8 trains and 303 cars.
It is nonetheless certain that the Jews from the ghetto of Białystok were for the most part deported into the area of Lublin. According to T. Berenstein and A. Rutkowski, 24,000 of these Jews were brought to Majdanek.
On August 20, 1943, a transport with 2,031 persons arrived in Majdanek from Białystok. It contained men, women, and children, so that no kind of selection could have taken place in Treblinka. On the same day, at least one other transport arrived in Majdanek with approximately 2,000 Jews (men, women, and children). Also, the transport with 1,200 children (originally intended for Palestine) between 6 and 12 years of age, which arrived in Theresienstadt on August 24, traveled by way of Treblinka, which therefore served as a transit camp for these transports.
According to Danuta Czech, on December 10, 1942, a transport with 2,500 persons, from which 524 men were registered with the numbers 81,400 to 81,923, arrived in Auschwitz from the transit camp Małkinia. The remaining 1,976 are supposed to have been gassed. On December 12 of the same year, again according to Danuta Czech, a transport from the transit camp Małkinia also arrived in Auschwitz with 2,000 Polish Jews, of whom 416 men, with the numbers 82,047 to 82,462, and six women, with the numbers 26,800 to 26,805, became part of the regular camp population; this time, too, Danuta Czech claims that the rest were gassed.
If one consults the Informator enzycklopedyczny of the 'Main Commission for the Investigation of the Hitler Crimes in Poland,' in which all camps and prisons on Polish soil during the German occupation are listed, one finds no camp of either kind under the heading of Małkinia. But on the air photo of May 15, one clearly recognizes a camp there, along the road to Ostroleka, which quite remarkably runs through this camp and about 5 km from Treblinka. Its function is not known.
In the first German edition of her Kalendarium, D. Czech had written that the two transports arrived from the ghetto of Ciechanów.
These two transports are to be seen in the context of the Jewish transports from Kielbasin (called Lososna by the Germans), which took place between November 9 and December 20, 1942. This is a site about 50 km northeast of Białystok on the road to Grodno. During the course of this operation, further transports are supposed to have been directed to Treblinka: one with 7,000 Jews on December 14, the last on the 20th of the same month.
Since the alleged 'extermination camp' Treblinka is supposed to have been in operation at that time, it makes no sense that these more than 3,500 Jews unfit for labor are supposed to have been dispatched for 'gassing' to the more than 500 km distant Auschwitz rather than to nearby Treblinka. But if there were still further transports to Treblinka, the conclusion is almost inescapable that those sent to Auschwitz arrived there by way of Treblinka also, as did those from the Białystok ghetto.
4. Treblinka: Gas Chambers or Delousing Chambers?
If one assumes that Treblinka was a transit camp, then one can also interpret the description of the alleged extermination facilities by the witnesses. In his 1995 article mentioned in the first chapter, J.-C. Pressac has put forth a very interesting hypothesis with regard to the supposed extermination camps. He wrote:
"Only one Polish witness, Stanisław Kosak, has described the construction of the extermination camp Belzec from November 1941. There were three barracks built next to one another: the first served as a waiting room for the Jews, in the second they bathed and in the third they were gassed in three rooms. Railway cars making a circuit on a narrow-gauge track took care of transporting the bodies to a pit located at the edge of the camp. Kosak adds that three ovens connected with the water supply system were installed in the gas chambers.
In this homicidal installation two elements do not make sense: the baths (why should the deportees have been allowed to bathe before their gassing?) and the three ovens connected to water pipes (carbon monoxide of course was used for the killing).
For Treblinka, the witnesses described in different words exactly the same sequence: entry into the undressing room, then into the bath, after that into a room for testing asphyxiation gases, which was next to a furnace room, from whence the tracks led to a 'cemetery.' They mention the use of steam in the gas chambers. This 'death-house' has more bizarre aspects than that of Belzec: bath, steam, and ovens, whose purpose cannot have been that of incinerating the bodies, since these of course were buried in the 'cemetery.' A report of November 1942, which was sent to London, confirms that the suffocation chambers consisted of three rooms 4 × 4 m in dimension with a heating room, where there was a boiler for the production of steam, which was then conducted into the three chambers. These contradictions prove that the statements of the witnesses have not been 'arranged,' but rather correctly represent the words of the witnesses.
Instead of starting with the assumption of a facility for killing people, the hypothesis will have to be accepted that from the end of 1941 until mid-1942, three delousing facilities were established in Belzec, Sobibór, and Treblinka. The fact that places were chosen for this at a border, which had become obsolete, can be explained if one recalls the concepts of prophylactic hygiene and the battle against typhus by means of killing the insects carrying it, the lice, and if one considers that the Germans had typhus more or less under control in their zone of occupation, but not in the conquered Soviet territories. Thus, the program for the deportation of the Jews to the east, as decided upon at the Wannsee Conference of January 20, 1942, was adhered to by processing the deportees through these three hygiene facilities. That Belzec was established prior to the Wannsee Conference can be explained by the postponement of this conference or also by the possibility that the witness Kosak has given a false date for the establishment of the delousing facility."
A whole array of arguments points to the fact that Pressac has hit the nail on the head. In the second chapter we saw that according to the testimony of the witnesses the alleged extermination installations of Treblinka were camouflaged as a 'bath.' This point merits a closer analysis.
Rachel Auerbach mentions "a whole list of instructions about bathing and disinfection, about what to do with money, jewels and documents." In some cases the new arrivals were actually handed receipts after they had deposited their valuables at the check-in counter. She writes that the women were often asked to take towels with them into the bathhouse, and explains:
"[...] this door led to the 'bathing establishment.' This was a gray-white building with all the accoutrements of a regular public bath in the inside: 'cabins,' plus a few chimneys protruding from the roof. [...] The floor sloped down to wide, hermetically sealed chutes facing the entrance gate. Real shower heads were set in the ceilings of the rooms, but they were not connected to any water pipe."
Later she says:
"[...] in the early days the Jews were told as they undressed and turned in their money to keep 1 złoty in order to pay 'for the bath.' A Ukrainian guard would sit in a wooden hut at the entrance to the 'Road to Heaven' and collect the złotys."
The report of November 15, 1942, adds one further important piece of circumstantial evidence: the boiler room for the production of steam, which makes total sense in a disinfection and delousing facility, but which in an installation for extermination has no function whatsoever. Steam was in fact one of the methods at that time for disinfecting and delousing. The Silberschein Report completes the picture of the evidence: directly after their arrival, the deportees were informed they would be continuing their journey "to work in the east." In the verdict of the Düsseldorf Jury Court of 1965, it says that the Warsaw Jews were greeted with the following address:
"Attention Warsaw Jews!
You are in transit camp here, from which further transport to a labor camp will occur.
For the prevention of epidemics, clothing as well as articles of baggage are to be handed over for disinfection. Gold, money, foreign currency, and jewelry are to be surrendered in exchange for a receipt at the counter. They will be handed back again later, upon presentation of the receipt.
All those arriving have to bath for bodily cleanliness before traveling on."
According to the mentioned report, the deportees were subdivided according to their professions after this address. In fact, the SS had established a bureau at the camp train station,
"where every new arrival had to go and report his professional training."
Then, continues the report of November 15, 1942,
"the people were taken into the camp and at first only sent into the baths for disinfection. After the bath they were temporarily sent into the single cells. There they were supposed to wait until it was their turn."
The sketch enclosed with the Silberschein Report shows a men's camp, a children's camp, and a women's camp; the deportees would have gone there following their bath. The Informacja bieżąca of August 17, 1942, claimed that in Treblinka "the camp was at a strength of 40,000 Jews on August 5," which indicates internment of the deportees after the bath.
It then says in the report that the Jews were sent "into the gas- and oven-chambers" and were killed there - but why, for Heaven's sake, were they ordered to bathe beforehand? The alleged extermination facility, as it is represented in the sketch, is also otherwise revealing: the building consisted of a dressing room, a bathing room, a "room for testing asphyxiation gases," as well as a furnace or oven room, from whence a railway track led to the cemetery. What purpose, then, did the ovens serve?
On the other hand, was not the bathing room identical to the room for testing asphyxiation gases (why, actually, a 'testing room'?) and therefore had to be a real bath, through which the deportees walked before they were lodged in one of the three camps mentioned above? But the dressing room as well as the ovens are not compatible with the extermination thesis, and indeed even less so with the version accepted today, for on the one hand the doomed are supposed to have undressed in the open, and on the other hand no historian claims that there were crematoria in Treblinka. If one views the entire facilities within another context, a medical-hygienic one, then the description works out to be a completely logical one. In a facility, which contains a dressing room and a bathing room, a furnace (or oven) room can contain nothing other than a delousing furnace, but then the adjacent room was definitely no "room for testing asphyxiation gases," but a disinfection/hot-air chamber. (In this connection, it is worth mentioning that the supposed 'extermination camp' of Chełmno was also equipped with a delousing furnace.)
Such disinfection furnaces were produced by several firms, among them the Topf firm in Erfurt, which installed two of them (with four hot-air chambers) in the central sauna in Birkenau, as well as the firm of H. Kori in Berlin, which produced less well-built ovens. One other firm, which produced hot air, steam, and steam/formalin delousing chambers, as well as other similar installations, was the Ing. C. Klobukowski & Co., located in Warsaw.
The description and enclosed drawing contained in the Silberschein Report are reminiscent of the plan of the provisional delousing facility of the K.G.L. Lublin. This facility had rooms for dressing and undressing, a boiler house (boiler room), a room with showers (bath), and a room for delousing ("room for testing asphyxiation gases").
G. Reitlinger writes that some children transferred in August 1943 from the ghetto of Białystok to Theresienstadt
"had seen their parents lead away to a 'bath-house'."
Since these children were processed through the transit camp Treblinka - the same was true for the other Jews, adults, and children who were transferred to Lublin/Majdanek and other camps - this bathhouse was obviously a genuine bathhouse!
The structure of the two alleged gassing installations, however, which has been accepted by official historiography, seems to have been more suited to serve as hydrocyanic delousing chambers. In both, the chambers have two doors on the two opposing sides of the room, so that there is a 'clean' and 'unclean' side. In this connection, the mission of Kurt Gerstein acquires an obvious meaning. Gerstein was no expert in mass killings, but he was one in the field of disinfection, and indeed so well-qualified in such matters that in the foreword to his book on disinfection published by the Waffen-SS Hygiene Institute, the SS-Hauptsturmführer d. Res. Walter Dötzer expressed his gratitude to him:
"I should express my thanks to SS-Obersturmführer (F) Dipl.-Ing. [graduate engineer] Gerstein at this point for his advice in all technical questions."
This furnishes an uncontrived explanation for Samuel Rajzman 's reference to "Cyklon-Gas" - Zyklon B gas - in Treblinka. As Mieczysław Chodzko reports, a public health commission brought disinfection equipment and mobile ovens for heating water for the showers to Treblinka in November 1942.
In the district of Galicia in January of 1942, there was already great anxiety concerning sanitation and hygienic conditions. In the district of Kolomea cases of typhus fever had appeared, but other districts were probably also afflicted by it, so that the Governor issued the instruction to all district physicians to answer a "questionnaire concerning bathing and delousing facilities." Among the various delousing facilities was even a "fumigation booth for scabrous horses." The situation was becoming critical to the point that placards in German, Ukrainian, and Polish were posted, warning about typhus fever. These had been designed by the "District Administrator in Tarnopol. Dept. of Health" and explained the type and danger of the epidemic and the necessity of combating its carriers: "Without lice there is no typhus fever. Fight lice infestation!" Then it warned:
"A large part of the population, but most of all the Jews, is infested with lice!"
The text of the placard closed with the admonition to see a physician at the first sign of symptoms of the disease.
The resettlement to the east of the Jewish population of the General Gouvernement, which had been living in the ghettos under difficult hygienic circumstances, therefore required transit camps with bathing facilities, disinfection, and delousing.
5. What was the Fate of the Deportees?
The fate of the Jews deported to the east is one of those questions, for which there is hardly a sure answer due to the lack of documents. It is closely bound to the even more complex problem of Jewish population losses during World War II, which is not the subject of the present study.
As we have seen in Chapter VII, the figures of the Jews killed by the Einsatzgruppen according to the 'Event Reports' - or other sources - are hugely exaggerated, so that the number of Jews who either were evacuated by the Soviets or who survived in the German occupation zone, must have been far larger than those 700,000, of which G. Reitlinger speaks. A Soviet source emphasizes the following regarding this question:
"When Hitler invaded Poland in the year 1939, tens of thousands of Polish Jews fled to eastern Poland, from where they later reached the Soviet Union. Together with the population of the Ukraine and White Russia, these Jews were the first who were evacuated to the east. Since the authorities knew that the Jews were the most critically threatened portion of the populace, they made thousands of trains available for their evacuation. In Zhitomir 88% of the Jews left the city, even before the Nazis arrived there. Special effort was expended to save the Jewish kolkhoze peasants; many of them were evacuated in the Crimea under circumstances, which permitted them to take along all their cattle, together with farm implements. In an article that appeared in 1942 in 'Congress Weekly,' a New York Zionist paper, the Palestinian Jew Solomon Itzhaki gave the grateful account of a Polish-Jewish journalist about his own evacuation. During a five or six week journey, food, clothing, and special help for children and the ill were made available by the Soviet government. According to this journalist, millions of evacuees, Jews and non-Jews, were quickly accommodated after arrival at their destination, received a profitable job in the war industry, and were assigned to agricultural operations. While a large number of Polish Jews performed splendid work in the Soviet war industry, the Polish-Jewish youth attended the Soviet schools by the thousands. Hundreds studied at the University of Leningrad - shifted to Saratov during the war - where they slept in dormitories provided by the government and were fed in special canteens. All 'Yeshivas' (Talmud seminaries) were moved from eastern Poland to central Asia at the cost of the Soviet government. The refugee rabbis carried on their clerical activity, and Michail Kusevitski, master cantor of the Great Synagogue of Warsaw, went on a concert through the Soviet Union, in which he profoundly moved soldiers as well as civilians with his singing of 'Kol Nidre,' a solemn prayer for the Jewish Day of Atonement. The majority of the Jews evacuated from the zones occupied by Germany went to Uzbekistan. Many other Jewish families were taken in by the autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Bashkiria in the Urals. According to Abdul Akhmetov, the Bashkirian Vice-Kommissar for Agriculture, the evacuees worked side by side with the Bashkirians on the kolkhoze fields and performed 'outstanding labor.' A certain portion of Jewish kolkhoze peasants from the Ukraine settled in the area of Saratov in their own kolkhoze. Thousands of other Jews, among them many elderly people from Vitebsk, Kiev, and Riga, found employment in the factories and textile industries of the same region."
E. Kulischer reckons the number of the Jews who fled from the eastern Polish provinces into Soviet territories, which never came under German control, at 500,000; to this are be added 30,000 Jews from the Baltic states and 1,100,000 Jews from the Soviet territories, which left before the Germans conquered these areas.
In an Italian study entitled "The Jews in the USSR," one reads:
"The Baltic states, White Russia, and the Ukraine suffered especially severe losses. A certain number of refugees of the war period settled in central Asia, so that the present  Jewish population of Uzbekistan consists of old Jewish inhabitants of Buchara and immigrants from the European territories. Others settled in various cities of the Urals as well as Siberia or were evacuated there. Of the refugees, some returned to their former place of residence after the war, others stayed, which explains the large number of Jews in towns like Sverdlovsk and Cheliabinsk."
The Jewish journalist Louis Rapoport draws a decidedly more pessimistic picture; he writes:
"Of the approximately one million Polish Jews sent into the Urals and Siberia - the journey lasted four to six weeks and ran under horrific conditions - a fifth to a third died, according to a news sheet of the Joint Distribution Committee from the year 1943."
For the period from March to September 1946, "when the homeward trek from the deep interior had only begun," G. Reitlinger supplies Jewish population figures for five Soviet cities, which are not too far below the pre-war numbers. G. Reitlinger took these figures from an article in the Soviet Yiddish language newspaper Ainikeit, whose date of appearance he does not give:
|City|| Jewish Pre-War
| Jewish Post-War
There is no doubt that a large percentage of the Jews in the Soviet territories, which fell under German control during the war, met their deaths, and indeed not only as a result of massacres, but also due to war actions, sickness, exhaustion, and privations. There is, even more tragically, no doubt about this when one considers that most of these Jews were unable to work: old people, children, and the infirm.
Germar Rudolf subdivides the Jewish losses into the following categories:
- Death from Soviet deportation and internment;
- Death from non-German pogroms, without German complicity or tolerance;
- Death from acts of war (labor service, bomb victims);
- Death as a soldier (i.e., in military service);
- Death as a partisan (in combat or by execution);
- Natural mortality surplus;
- Religious conversions;
- Unregistered emigration during and after the war;
- Jews presently not recorded or statistically documented;
- Unresolved cases;
- Death (for the most part natural) in ghettos and camps (several hundred thousand);
- Registered emigration during and after the war.
Of course, the Jews shot by the Einsatzgruppen, the Wehrmacht, etc. are to be added to this. It is an impossibility to assign exact numbers to each of these categories, but the few examples cited here do provide a notion of how high the Jewish losses were, which were not the result of German killing measures.
The official population statistics of the post-war period do not help us any further. First of all because they come from the Jewish and Stalinist side and thus were inevitably influenced by the demands of ideology and propaganda, and secondly because they do not allow for substantial factors such as emigration to other countries, assimilation, or the plain and simple desire of many Jews not to be registered as such.
In 1984, an Italian Communist newspaper explained the reduction of the Jewish population in the Soviet Union, which had been reflected in the censuses of 1926, 1970, and 1976, as follows:
"The decrease of the Jewish population in comparison with the year 1926 is in part the result of the Nazi policy of extermination, partly traceable to the natural process of assimilation in a country, which numbers more than a hundred different nationalities and where there is no impediment to mixed marriage. The shrinking of the Jewish population in the decade 1970-1979 is the result of the same assimilation process (in the USSR citizens declare their nationality by their own choice by choosing one of the two nationalities of their parents), but also the emigration of those Jews who have gone abroad within the framework of the Soviet policy, which favors the reuniting of families separated by the most diverse sorts of circumstances."
Insofar as the first post-war census is concerned, that of 1959, citizens could declare their nationality without having to produce their ID, in which their nationality was officially registered. For this reason, numerous citizens preferred, for various reasons, to assume another nationality. Together with the rest of the factors already given, this contributed to producing a distorted picture of the numerical strength of the Jews in the USSR.
|||"Likwidacja Żydowskiej Warszawy," op. cit. (note 126), pp. 81, 86, 90.|
|||Durchgangslager. Transit camp.|
|||APL, PSZ, 174, p. 26.|
|||Kronika getta łódzkiego, Wydawnictwo lódzkie, Lodz 1965, Vol. II, p. 100>|
|||Reproduced in Raul Hilberg, op. cit. (note 269), pp. 178f.|
|||Ibid., p. 177.|
|||Ibid., p. 181.|
|||State Office of Prosecution at the Frankfurt (Main) District Court criminal proceedings against Baer and others at the Frankfurt Jury Court, Ref. 4 Js 444/59 vol. 65, pp. 12, 100.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 305.|
|||Ibid., p. 110.|
|||Ibid., p. 111.|
|||Ibid., p. 115.|
|||Ibid., p. 309.|
|||"Likwidacja żydowskiej Warszawy," op. cit. (note 126), p. 80.|
|||E. Kulischer, op. cit. (note 800), pp. 110f.|
|||Ibid., p. 110, his note 2.|
|||Mark Weber and Andrew Allen have already referred to this fact in their article "Treblinka," op. cit. (note 111), pp. 139f.|
|||Lucy Dawidowicz, The Holocaust Reader, Berman House, New York 1976, p. 356.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 496.|
|||Lucy Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews 1933-1945, Bantam, New York 1976, p. 414.|
|||Gerlach, op. cit. (note 419), p. 762.|
|||K. Marczewska, W. Waźniewski, op. cit. (note 52), p. 137.|
|||HI, Report on conditions in Poland. Annex No. 7, HI, Box 29.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 80. Cf. Document 22 in the Appendix.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 81. Cf. Document 23 in the Appendix.|
|||GARF, 7445-2-145, p. 85.|
|||Railway schedule no. 562 of August 22, 1942. Reproduction in R. Hilberg, op. cit. (note 269), p. 183.|
|||G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 270.|
|||PS-1061. IMT, Vol. XXXVI, p. 635.|
|||Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 72), p. 392.|
|||Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), p. 349.|
|||Ibid., pp. 449f.|
|||WAPL, ZBL, 268, p. 1.|
|||G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 298.|
|||R. Hilberg, op. cit. (note 17), Vol. 2, pp. 512.|
|||Teletype of Stroop of May 24, 1943. Reproduction in: L. Poliakov, J. Wulf, op. cit. (note 380), pp. 168f.|
|||IMT, Vol. XXVI, pp. 628-694.|
|||L. Poliakov, J. Wulf, op. cit. (note 380), p. 159.|
|||IMT, Vol. III, p. 557.|
|||PS-1061. IMT, Vol. XXVI, p. 693.|
|||PS-1061. IMT, Vol. XXXIII, p. 202.|
|||Ibid., p. 653.|
|||For example, it says in the report of April 27: "2,560 Jews caught, 547 of them shot." Our calculation therefore looks like this: (2560-547=) 2013 taken alive as prisoners.|
|||Obviously these Jews had been taken prisoner on the day before.|
|||IMT, Volume XXVI, on the page cited.|
|||The text reads 203, but in another report, which refers to the same day (p. 647), the figures given are for 150 shot, 80 killed in a bunker explosion, so that a total of 230 Jews were killed.|
|||The total number for April 22 and the previous day is not given.|
|||The erroneous figure of 49,712 appears in the text.|
|||PS-1061. IMT, Vol. XXVI, p. 656.|
|||Ibid., p. 660.|
|||Ibid., p. 686.|
|||Ibid., p. 688.|
|||Ibid., p. 638.|
|||Samuel Zylbersztajn, "Pamiętnik więznia dziesięciu obozów," in: Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce, no. 68, 1968, pp. 53-56. The author explicitly gives April 30, 1943, as the date of his deportation to Treblinka.|
|||T. Mencel (ed.), Majdanek 1941-1944, Wydawnictwo Lubelskie, Lublin 1991, p. 448.|
|||Tatiana Berenstein, Adam Rutkowski, "Zydzi w obozie koncentracijnym Majdanek (1941-1944)," Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Polsce, No. 58, 1966, p. 16.|
|||U.S. Department of Justice. Criminal Division. Office of Investigation. Report of Investigation. Subject "Demjanjuk Ivan, Fedorenko Feodor." These protocols were enclosed with the documents in the Jerusalem Demjanjuk Trial (State of Israel vs. Ivan [John] Demjanjuk. Criminal Case No. 373/86 in the Jerusalem District Court; cf. Chapter V). We thank Dr. Miroslav Dragan who made these documents available to us.|
|||Rückerl, NS-Vernichtungslager..., op. cit. (note 62), p. 198.|
|||T. Berenstein, A. Rutkowski, op. cit. (note 871), p. 16.|
|||Zofia Leszczyńska, "Transporty więzniów do obozu w Majdanku," in: Zeszyty Majdanka, IV, 1969, p. 194.|
|||T. Mencel, Majdanek 1941-1944, op. cit. (note 870), pp. 447f.|
|||Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, op. cit. (note 18), Vol. I, pp. 213.|
|||See the entry "Białystok" in the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, ibid.|
|||G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 306.|
|||"The Treblinka extermination camp," in: Central Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland (ed.), German Crimes in Poland, Warsaw 1946, pp. 103f.|
|||Cited in German in the text: "´Fahrplananordnung Nr. 290".|
|||The text erroneously has August 27. The date of August 17 appears in the German translation of the article concerned (USSR-344).|
|||T. Berenstein, A. Rutkowski, op. cit. (note 871), p. 450.|
|||GARF, 7021-107-3, p. 258. See Document 24 in the Appendix.|
|||Z. Leszczyńska, op. cit. (note 875), p. 227.|
|||T. Mencel, Majdanek 1941-1944, op. cit. (note 870), p. 450.|
|||Brona Klibanski, "Kinder aus dem Ghetto Białystok in Teresienstadt", in: Theresienstädter Studien und Dokumente, 1995, p. 93.|
|||Terezisnká pametni kniha, op. cit. (note 570), p. 70. There a figure of 1220 Jews who arrived in Theresienstadt from Białystok is given. Obviously 20 adults who accompanied the children are included in this.|
|||Czech, op. cit. (note 410), p. 283, 284.|
|||Obozy hitlerowskie..., op. cit. (note 65), p. 314. Malomice comes after Malki there.|
|||John C. Ball, Air Photo Evidence, op. cit. (note 102), p. 79 and 88.|
|||Czech, "Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz- Birkenau", Issue 3, Wydawnictwo Państwowego Muzeum w Oświęcimu, 1960, pp. 106f.|
|||Gerlach, op. cit. (note 419), p. 727.|
|||J.-C. Pressac, "Enquête...," op. cit. (note 89), pp. 120f.|
|||Donat, op. cit. (note 4), p. 30.|
|||Ibid., p. 31.|
|||Ibid., p. 34.|
|||Ibid., p. 54.|
|||Walter Dötzer, Entkeimung, Entwesung. Work instructions for the clinic and laboratory of the Institute of Hygiene of the Waffen-SS, Berlin, Urban and Schwarzenberg Publishers, Berlin and Vienna 1943, pp. 16-21 and 87f.|
|||Rückerl, NS-Vernichtungslager..., op. cit. (note 62), p. 219.|
|||See Document 3 in the Appendix.|
|||See Chapter II.|
|||RGVA, 502-2-27, pp. 24-24a. Final account statement no. 1792 of October 19, 1943.|
|||See J. Graf, C. Mattogno, op. cit. (note 271), Document 29, p. 288.|
|||Informational pamphlet without a date. DAL, R-35-9-443, pp. 1-12.|
|||G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 307, footnote.|
|||W. Dötzer, op. cit. (note 900), p. II.|
|||Wydawnictwo Centralnej Żydowskiej Komisji Historycznej (ed.), Dokumenty i Materiały, op. cit. (note 40), p. 176.|
|||Letter of January 19, 1942, of the Kreishauptmann of Horodenka on the subject of "Delousing Facilities". DAL, R-35-9-313, p. 3.|
|||Letter of 5 February 1942 of the District Physician in Kolomes on the subject of "Typhus Fever in the District". DAL, R-35-9-313, p. 1.|
|||DAL, R-35-9-320, pp. 1, 5. R-35-9-313, p. 16.|
|||DAL, R-35-10-452, page number illegible.|
|||Poster "Fleckfieber!" (typhus) DAL, R-35-9-444, p. 2.|
|||The most comprehensive studies on this question are: on the side of the orthodox historians, the anthology Dimension des Völkermords, edited by W. Benz, op. cit. (note 80), and, from the Revisionist side, W. Sanning 's The Dissolution of Eastern European Jewry, op. cit. (note 79). A comparison of the two works has been understaken by Germar Rudolf: "Holocaust Victims: A Statistical Analysis · W. Benz and W. N. Sanning - A Comparison,", op. cit. (note 81).|
|||G. Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 542f.|
|||Rassenga sovietica, August-September 1951, pp. 77f.|
|||Kulischer, op. cit. (note 800), tables entitled "General survey of population displacements in Europe since the beginning of the war", outside of the text.|
|||Gli Ebrei nell'USSR, Milan 1966, p. 51.|
|||Louis Rapoport, La guerra di Stalin contro gli Ebrei, Rizzoli, Milan 1991, p. 87.|
|||Friedrich Zander, Die Vertreibung der Juden in der Welt, Robert Kämmerer Verlag, Berlin 1937, p. 68.|
|||Reitlinger, op. cit. (note 181), p. 545.|
|||As we have seen, according to L. Rapoport 200,000 to 300,000 evacuated Polish Jews met their death in the USSR.|
|||According to the Korherr Report, in Germany proper, the Sudetenland, Austria, and Bohemia and Moravia, the Jewish surplus mortality up to December 31, 1942, amounted to 82,775. NO-5193, p. 4.|
|||During the war 33,430 Jews died in Theresienstadt. Das Ghetto Museum Theresienstadt, edited by the Gedenkstätte Terezin (Terezin Memorial), undated, p. 37 (our own page enumeration). - In the ghetto of Lodz 47,372 Jews met their death. Julian Baranowski, The Lodz ghetto 1940-1944. Vademecum. Archiwum Państwowe w Łodzi, Lodz 1999, pp. 86f. - In the Warsaw Ghetto the number of those who died from January 1942 to June 1942 was 69,355. Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, op. cit. (note 290), pp. 138f.|
|||Rudolf, "Holocaust Victims: A Statistical Analysis," op. cit. (note 81), p. 211.|
|||Calendario del popolo, no. 468, July 1984, pp. 10247.|
|||Gli Ebrei nell'USSR, Milan 1966, pp. 55f.|