Hundred Years of War against Germany

In August 1895, a series of articles began in the British weekly The Saturday Review, which called for the annihilation of Germany and whose disastrous greed for German plunder still reverberates to the present day.

With the Second Reich, a German state came into being which was rapidly creating a modern economy which imperiled the economic predominance of Great Britain. Coal and steel were the two indicators by which national economies were measured prior to the First World War. The production of raw materials in Germany grew by 334% in the quarter-century before the First World War, from 4 million to 17.8 million tons, while the figures for Great Britain rose from 7.7 to 9 million, therefore an increase of 17%. During the same period the mining of coal in Germany increased from 76.2 to 255.8 million tons (240%) but in Britain only 60%, to 240 million tons. Germany's foreign trade was reaching proportions alarming to Great Britain. An investigation by the English Parliament in 1885 noted that the Germans produced more cheaply and their products were geared to the preferences of their buyers. Knowledge of languages, tirelessness and flexibility were considered to be the merits of the German commercial travelers. A trademark law was passed in England as a counter-measure, which prescribed that German products be marked “Made in Germany,” yet the British middlemen and consumers nevertheless still often preferred the German goods, on which account the obligatory mark was modified to “Foreign made.”[1]

That this new development was no accident was discovered by Paul Valéry in a British commissioned work from the year 1896, in which the reasons for this new development would be raised to a dogma:[2]

The European upper classes saw their indolent life imperiled by this upswing of the German economy. They were living, according to Max Scheler, in a Paradise:[3]

The terror which the German power of achievement set loose in these European upper classes, was captured by Max Scheler in the parable:

In 1895 these upper classes, beginning with Great Britain, formed a War Party against Germany which is still at work today and which will be documented by citations from the years 1895 to 1994.

Delendam, Delendam, Delendam!

The Saturday Review of 24 August 1895:[4]

The Saturday Review of 1 February 1896:[5]

The Saturday Review of 11 September 1897:[6]

Secret speech of Winston S. Churchill in March 1936 in the Lower House:[8]

Report of Carl J. Burkhardt of a conversation on 15 August 1938 with the Polish foreign minister Beck:[9]

Note of Eduard Benesch of August 23/24, 1939, in London:[10]

Report of Friedrich Grimm concerning a visit in May 1945:[11]

The British magazine Sunday Correspondent on September 17, 1989, for the fiftieth anniversary of the start of the Second World War and of the reunification marking it:[12]

Lech Walesa in an interview with the Dutch newspaper Elsevier of April 7, 1990:[13]

Henry Kissinger in the Welt am Sonntag of November 13, 1994:

The citations imply that all the wars, revolutions, persecutions and expulsions of the 20th century were matter-of-factly initiated by rationally planning nations or were tolerated, for the sake of power and money. In view of the apocalyptic terror and horror resulting from these undertakings, a clear analysis appears more practical than moral accusations.

For the British upper class – and their international partners – war is an entirely normal activity. The British pragmatically ask: How did our forebears hold it? What was their advantage? Did they not, for four hundred years, wage war against their main rival or the strongest continental power? One weighs, like a merchant: is it advantageous to wage war against France, can Austria hurt us? What will war against Germany bring us? 250 million pounds = 5 million marks per year? The security of our predominance? Must we fight against the USA later?

The thought of whether a war is morally defensible does not even occur! For it is, in any case, “tough” to drive someone to war. For war becomes a game, a double-game. For one places snares by quite methodically encouraging the opponent in his errors. In this 'game,' the 'greatest profit' entices. “Take inside Germany whatever you like”: that's how one buys allies; for oneself, one takes money. Is it not better that the other, the enemy, totally disappears? Does he not destabilize the situation, imperil the loot, if he has recovered? Is it not better to exterminate the Germans at once? Is it not smarter to eradicate Germany from the map? Germania esse delendam! One has the advanced technologies – by which the neutron bomb is probably meant: the Germans would be dead and the loot intact.

For there is no honorable peace permitted. For the atrocity propaganda is to be continued and increased until no one will any longer have a good word to say about the enemy. The enemy becomes Evil in himself. The objection of Friedrich Grimm, which generally applies to such actions: “Then they will take a great responsibility upon themselves” – fails here. Responsibility toward the enemy does not exist and guilt not at all. Guilt, in this system, is merely a question of power. God isn't needed here, there is no God permitted! “Thou shalt not kill” devolved into meaningless chatter. Man puts himself in God's place.

The sponsors embracing such ideas are: a high British politician, Navy Minister of the First World War and Prime Minister of the Second World War; a former Czech state President; a Polish foreign minister of the year 1938; a Polish President of 1990; and a former American Secretary of State.

The continuity with which these ideas are pursued from 1895 to 1994 is alarming, and the matter-of-fact attitude with which not only the ideas, but also their acceptance, are still presumed in 1989 by a probably broad public of a British weekly paper. Baffled, with Kissinger, that here it is no longer preventing a German predominance, which is discussed, since even the thought of a Germany as partner of the USA is pronounced dangerous.

Winston Churchill and Thomas More

What is the intellectual-historical background of the continuity of British policy? The model can be found in Utopia by Thomas More. Utopia, misread as social design, is a state with an aristocracy of priests, in which the priests are subject to no public court but only to god and their conscience. The system of government of the Utopians encompasses, in addition to the much-cited social model, a model for world rulership as well. Through the over-valuation of the “utopian” social model, the significance of More's ideas for the British power policy has been misapprehended – and, at least in this century, forgotten.[14]

Machiavelli had the Prince rule over his people and maintain himself against his neighbors. The Utopians, however, have mastery over the world. They decide worldwide over what is just and unjust, so, if “their friend's merchants in any part of the world have been unjustly accused under some pretext of justice, either by using unjust laws speciously or by interpreting good laws perversely.” The Utopians are the ruling economic power of their world.[15] They hoard and pile up money, for money is the source of their power, the breaking off of trade relations one of their preferred weapons. In case of war, they buy soldiers and traitors with money, or sow discord between their foes, without any kind of moral restriction: “So easy it is to get someone to commit any crime whatsoever by means of bribe.” Thanks to their wealth, most nations are in debt to them.[16] Along with Churchill, one can find in Utopia the foundations for a credo of Liberalism.[17]

Utopia, which appeared exactly 379 years before the first Saturday Review article, seems to have served British policy as a handbook. Even when it was published it was understood to be a political roman à clef: “In truth, the utopian flag marks British goods.”[18] Set pieces from Utopia, which seem very familiar to the Germans, have left their imprint upon classical British policy: “[…] they stir up neighboring people and set them against their enemy by digging up ancient claims such as is never lacking to kings.”[19] The mercilessness in conduct of war can also be found there. “Certainly, whether the cause was just or unjust, it was avenged by a hideous war, in which the surrounding nations also added their energy and resources to the hostile forces of the major opponents so that some prosperous peoples were ravaged, others were badly shaken.”[20] Also from More came the advice of having others fight for one, for in addition to mercenaries “they use the forces of those for whom they have taken up arms, and after that the auxiliary troops of their friendly nations. As a last resort do they add their own citizens.”[21] (There are still numerous other references here to British policy, to deal with which would lead us too far afield.)

When Winston Churchill, in his secret speech of 1936 – 420 years after More had written the first part of his Utopia – adduced, as a four-hundred-year British policy, the struggle against the ruling tyrant, and then went on to claim: “thus we preserved the liberty of Europe,” he was arguing in the tradition of the Utopians:[22]

Charles VIII of France was viewed as an actual tyrant by More. In Utopia, More discusses his concrete situation in a fictional discussion between Charles VIII and his counselors.[23] With the pretense of disgust, the utopian techniques are illustrated here of inflaming others toward the actual enemy by means of money and plunder. In 1511 England entered the Holy League, by which the beginning of this four-hundred-year-old British war policy invoked by Churchill was probably made.

Common Sense…

The Saturday Review articles appeared anonymously between 1895 and 1897. But what sort of magazine was this? The German Brockhaus encyclopedia of 1908 mentions it as “imperialist 'magazine' published since 1855 with witty reviews of Engl., Fr. and German literature”[24] In accordance with its importance, it is found in many German libraries, and the annual series from 1855 are partially extant. There is not much that can be said about the readers, but they must surely have come from the educated upper class. A judgment concerning the contributors, among whom can be found many illustrious British names, is more easily made. Many of them published several times, a portion of them on a regular basis.

Many of the articles appear anonymously, which gives an even greater weight to the list of names, since it seems to have been customary in England for high-ranking and wealthy persons to have others write for them.[25] But in the period between 24 August 1895 and 11 September 1897, in which this series of articles appeared, there are renowned British names: G. Bernard Shaw,[26] H. G. Wells,[27] Winston S. Churchill,[28] W. B. Yeats,[29] Conan Doyle,[30] Henry M. Stanley,[31] Rudyard Kipling,[32] and Algernon Charles Swinburne.[33] Four of those named received Nobel prizes and one was very influential in the First World War and was the key figure in British politics in the Second World War.

The reputation of many other contributors is so significant that they are still named even 70 years later in one other German encyclopedia,[34] from which also the information about the authors was taken: Sir Max Beerbohm,[35] English writer and caricaturist from the circle around Wilde and Beardsley; John Bagnell Bury,[36] classical philologist and historian, professor at Cambridge and one of the most important scholars in the field of late ancient and Byzantine history, editor of E. Gibbons' History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; Stephen Crane,[37] American writer, a friend of J. Conrad, H. James and H. G. Wells; John Davidson,[38] Scottish poet and dramatist; Charles Wentworth Dilke,[39] editor of the periodical Athenaeum as well as Member of the Lower House 1868-86 and 1892-1911, in the Foreign Office under Gladstone 1880-82 (Bit.-Fr. Trade Agreement of 1882), publicist and representative of a liberal imperialism; Edward Dowden,[40] British historian of literature, professor in Dublin; Richard Garnett,[41] English writer and Librarian at the British Museum; Frank Harris,[42] American writer of Anglo-American descent and owner of The Saturday Review, who appointed G. B. Shaw as theater critic; William Henry Hudson,[43] English writer, whose books are distinguished by the exactitude of their descriptions of Nature; Sir Oliver Lodge,[44] British physicist, professor at Liverpool and first President of the University in Birmingham; Margaret Macdonald,[45] British proponent of arts and crafts, formed the Glasgow School in Birmingham with her sister and her husband, Ch. R. Mackintosh; Frederic William Henry Myers,[46] English writer, co-founder of the Society of Psychical Research; Coventry Patmore,[47] English poet; Sir Will(iam) Rothenstein,[48] British painter and graphic artist, influenced by Degas and Whistler, official painter of the war for the British and Canadian army in the First and Second World War; Arthur Symons,[49] English lyric poet and critic, most zealous advocate of Symbolism in England; Silvanus Phillips Thompson,[50] British physicist, Professor at Finsbury, made contributions to the history of Natural Science; Alfred Russel Wallace,[51] British zoologist and explorer; the impressions obtained from his journeys suggested to him the idea of natural selection by means of selection in the struggle for existence. Darwin intentionally beat him to publication and created with Bates the theory of mimicry; Sir William Watson,[52] English lyric poet, honored several times, yet not named “Poet Laureate,” because he was an opponent of the policy of empire, from which an opposition to the above ideas may be deduced. The contributors were for the most part recruited from the wealthy educated middle class. I have scarcely found any well-known military figures, apart from two names: General Neville Chamberlain,[53] an old veteran of 70 from India, who does not appear in the above lexicon; in any case, he is probably distantly related to the political Chamberlain family, and Admiral Colomb,[54] the inventor of the Colomb signal apparatus.

Not one of these authors and not any of the readers objected to the proposals in The Saturday Review for the destruction of Germany or dismissed them as insane ideas, not even after these ideas were repeatedly put forward. The global lay-out of the idea of destruction with the biological and historical recourse to Darwin's Theory of Evolution, the analogy of Rome = Great Britain and Carthage = Germany, and the reference to Cato with his inflammatory speech for war: “Ceterum censeo Carthiginem esse delendam” reveals the wire-pullers. Thus it was only consistent when further articles and letters to the editor were anchored upon the notion of destruction. The comparison of the British and the Roman Empire surfaced in a clear allusion to an appeal to destroy Germany in other texts in The Saturday Review in 1896. J.B. Bury[55] analyzed the causes of the fall of Rome through the invasion of the Germans, in which he ascertained that Rome fell, not because of a moral decline, but rather because it did not possess at least a small class with a pronounced will to power. But Great Britain – according to Bury – possessed this class! In an anonymous letter to the editor of a “GREATER ENGLANDER”[56] responding to the article by Bury, a superior fleet was promoted as the basis for the British world empire.

The growth of Germany's economic power was suspiciously observed. Above all, the increase in the German iron and steel exports was followed objectively in editorial articles[57] or excitedly in an anonymous letter to the editor from a “Perplexed.”[58] But beyond this, a monster-image of Germany was also constructed. In order to prepare the path for replacing France with Germany as the arch-enemy, the English reader learned how unpopular the German and how well-liked the Frenchman was in England of those days, a fact that an Englishman who lived in England would not, however, have needed to learn from the newspapers. As another example, the war between Denmark and the German confederation in 1864 was falsified into in attack of Prussia against Denmark.[59] As one of the few strategically placed exculpatory articles, one can possibly name an essay on Martin Luther, which refers to the fact that Luther makes the individual obligated to God before anything else.[60]

…and its Antipode

Only George Bernard Shaw vehemently objected in the most manifold ways by word and deed to these ideas from 1898, although at first in a veiled manner, to the extent that he has become the chief witness for the prosecution against Great Britain. But in Germany the connection between Shaw's protests and the battle cry “Germania esse delendam” was not recognized.

Shaw's historical drama Caesar and Cleopatra, which appeared in 1898, is a unique answer to the insane ideas of the British middle class of The Saturday Review. The argument runs through the prologue, the drama and notes. In the play, Rome – analogous to Great Britain – stands at a crossroads. Shaw juxtaposes to the image of the old, power-hungry Rome which, like Pompey, claimed to “being himself a god”,[61] the other, new Rome of Caesar. By breaking with the old Rome, Caesar leads it to greatness and endurance.

Shaw glorifies Caesar as a duty-bound, kind and wise statesman. Thus, as if Shaw had had a presentiment of the Moscow show-trials, he has Caesar throw into the sea incriminating letters which his secretary Britannus (!), a repugnant character, proudly presented him because by using them Caesar would have power over his enemies. Caesar to Britannus:[62]

In another scene, in desperate straights, in the spirit of old Rome inevitably at the start of a chain of murders, Caesar opposes this path and prophetically warns:[63]

Instead of the statesman for Great Britain whom Shaw portrayed in his writing, Shaw found only Sir Edward Grey, “an unscrupulous imposter and fool, and worse […] than Caesar Borgia”,[64] and so twenty years later, he was no longer thinking of the welfare of Great Britain and the world, but only of that of his own soul. In Heartbreak House, which was written between the years 1913 and 1919, in imitation of Chekhov, he creates a portrait of the idle European society to which Scheler also makes reference. For Shaw, the attitude toward life of this class is typical for all nations of Europe:[65]

In Heartbreak House, an old seaman and a young girl – who, it seems to me, embody the young and the aging Shaw – encounter each other. The old man, paraphrasing Matthew 16:26, warns the young girl that she should be careful:[66]

So much for the writer and his work. We will be returning yet to the politician and his words.

The Tough Kernel

The authors of the three anonymous articles quoted in the beginning are partly known. Concerning the author of the first article of August 24, 1895: “The Proper Foreign Policy for Us English,” Hans Grimm, who in 1895 was in Great Britain as a young businessman, learned this about his host:[67]

Behind the biologist, the author of the article of February 1, 1896: “A Biological Perspective on our English Foreign Policy by a Biologist,” is concealed Sir P. Chalmers Mitchell, Professor of Astronomy and Biology at Oxford, as Hans Grimm likewise discovered.[68] According to Grimm, Mitchell was a Captain in the British General Staff from 1916 to 1919 and had connections to Crowe.

Sir Eyre A.B.W. Crowe
* July 30, 1864; † April 28, 1925

Information about the group around Crowe is given in a diary note of October 12, 1918, of First Lieutenant C. Repinton, in which he writes that Crowe, Mallet, and Tyrell will be going as negotiators from the Foreign Office to the planned peace conference. Moreover, he maintains:[69]

There is still one more to be counted as belonging to this circle of the F.O., whose significance for the outbreak of the First World War can hardly be overestimated: Sir Edward Grey.

In 1892, Edward Grey became parliamentary Under-Secretary under Lord Rosebery, who took over the Foreign Office. In 1895 Rosebery is voted out and Grey loses his office. Grey writes that these years were “very important” for his life.[70]

To these experiences clearly belongs also the world-view that England must oppose Germany and turn to France. In his memoirs, couched in a very vague diplomatic language, we read:[71]

Concrete criticism is expressed by Grey in this manner:[72]

The England of Grey wanted to remain the sole master of the world and not share the power with anyone, most certainly not Germany. This is the basic thought, which runs through Grey's memoirs, and his joy when the British policy of 1904 draws closer to France expresses itself effusively in comparison with his otherwise dry text:[73]

Of course, the price for this was “perpetual discomfort,” “poison,” “misrepresentation,” and “misconstruction” in the relationship to Germany, but that did apparently not let anything come between Grey and “all that is beautiful and happy.” In Grey's eyes, France was no longer a match for England, whereas Germany was about to outperform England economically. In 1905, Grey took over the Foreign Office and subsequently surrounded himself with the gentlemen from the anti-German circle of the Foreign Office. Crowe, Mallet, Tyrell, and Bertie all reached key positions and collaborated closely with Grey. Carnock is the only one about whom I did not find anything. Bertie had already previously been ambassador in Paris and in future formed one of the pillars of the new British policy.[74] According to Margaret Bovari, the ambassadors of the most important European nations were exchanged under Grey, but the Parisian embassy, with Sir F. Bertie, remained unchanged, and “it emerges from the private letters between him and Grey that close relations and an excellent accord must have prevailed between the two men.” From 1905 to 1906, Louis Mallet was Private Secretary to Grey, and from 1906 to 1907, he was Senior Clerk in the Foreign Office. From 1907-1913, he was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and diplomat in Constantinople between 1913 and 1914. Margaret Boveri sees the influence of Mallet upon Grey as having been “considerable” and numbers him “amongst the most zealous advocates of English-Russian friendship. Still more pronounced with him than this tendency is the anti-German attitude.” William Tyrell was Senior Clerk in the Foreign Office from 1907 to 1918 and from 1907 to 1915 he was Private Secretary to Edward Grey.[75]

In his memoirs, Grey especially emphasized Tyrell and writes in reference to him:[76]

Eyre Crowe finally became Senior Clerk in the Foreign Office in 1906 and was Assistant Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs from 1912 to 1920.[77] His role in the British policy toward Germany cannot be overestimated. For Hermann Lutz, expert in the investigatory committee of the Reichstag for the war-guilt question, Eyre Crowe is “the Evil Spirit of the Foreign Office.”,[78] and Margaret Boveri confirms this:[79]

It should be briefly remarked – this will be developed later – that from a subordinate position, as expert on Germany, Crowe decisively influenced official policy several times. Edward Grey himself gives Crowe prominent mention in his memoirs:[80]

And he added as a footnote:

Under Grey, the anti-German circles which were behind the Saturday Review article of 1895, thereby ascended to key positions.

Grey knew portions of the pattern of thinking there and approved indirectly. Thus, Grey recorded a conversation of 28 April 1908 with Clemenceau and considered it to be so important that he included it as one of the few documents in his memoirs. There we read:[81]

Clemenceau is consciously making use of those modes of thought from the Saturday Review articles in order to drive England into war against Germany, and Grey responds in such a way that not only are these modes of thought familiar to him, but he is also influenced by them. This is also shown by a quotation from Grey, which is found in Margaret Boveri:[82]

By his conduct, Grey deceived many Germans about his anti-German attitude, and not only diplomats but also scientists, to the extent that caused Hans Rothfels to derisively refer to the remark of a Prussian artillery lieutenant concerning Napoleon:[83]

As a contributor to The Saturday Review in the years from 1895 to 1897, G.B. Shaw was of course familiar with the anti-German development and surely knew the authors of the articles agitating against Germany. He tried to warn the German ambassador Lichnowsky in London about Grey and his policy. He laid out a proposal to Lichnowsky. Shaw:[84]

A trap so thorough in construction that Shaw writes concerning the British wirepullers on the occasion of the outbreak of the First World War:[85]

From 1905 onward, the Foreign Office begins systematically to construct a front with Russia and France against Germany. This development is proven on the basis of the public documents from the German side after the lost war. Crowe, but not only he, worked systematically against Germany through numerous papers, but above all through his memorandum of January 1, 1907,[86] in which he claimed that Germany was striving for world rule and wanted to secretly attack England. In a counter-expert opinion, Sanderson, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs from 1894 to 1906, dismissed the worst distortions in Crowe's memorandum. Grey passed the paper on only to his like-minded comrades; otherwise it went nowhere.[87]

It would lead us too far afield to present all the lies, distortions, misrepresentations and ploys with which Grey, Crowe, and Company prepared the way for a war against Germany. They have been thoroughly explored to the last detail in many investigations in Germany.[88]

G.B. Shaw has reduced the First World War to this nullity:

The whole text is rife with such quotations and others, which describe the techniques and partly the motive of British imperialism. Concerning the key role of Grey and his methods, one more citation:

There is also a solid fact, which proves that Shaw knew exactly what he was talking about, that he knew the fundamental ideas of Grey. In 1912, he made a public proposal for how the peace could be kept; that is what he had also laid out to Lichnowsky:[89]

According to all that is known today, the First World War of 1914 would not have happened. Germany would have been able to calmly put up with the parade from Russia toward its borders!

The Enemy as Criminal

War as Armageddon, where the opponent is no longer only the opponent and, ultimately, the defeated party, but is, rather, absolute Evil, had already been prognosticated by the Saturday Review on February 1, 1896. After the Second World War this path was then consistently trodden by means of war crimes trials and more. That these trials were directed against Germany as such is shown by the Charter of the United Nations, which withholds human rights and the right to self-determination from Germany. Since the Charter is also directed against Japan, which is, however, not charged with 'unique' crimes, the true background becomes obvious: it was directed against the two great non-Western economic powers and therefore was about safeguarding the most sacred treasure of the West: the key to power and material wealth.

War crimes trials were already demanded by the victors at the end of the First World War. The behavior of Eyre Crowe allows us to presume that he was the political initiator of this demand, unusual in modern European history. Lutz writes:[90]

Winston S. Churchill, who was connected to these circles and their activities not only through his collaboration at The Saturday Review, subsequently promote the continuation of this British policy; he also had an affectionate relationship with Grey, about which Wilfrid Scrawen Blunt reports in his diaries:

His role as Navy minister is well-known, in which he brought about an assemblage of the British Mediterranean fleet by an order of July 30, 1914, that is, before the outbreak of the war, which, in case of in a war between Germany and France, would have pulled England into the war under any circumstances, even without a marching through Belgium of German troops.[91]

“Quite a few things seem to have been handed down here due to the brisk-and-lively manner in which Churchill wanted to see foreign policy conducted,” according to Margaret Boveri, who also cites a letter from Mallet to Grey, which warns against indiscretions which “will slip out of Churchill during maneuvers.”[92] To this character weakness of Churchill we presumably owe knowledge of the secret speech of March 1936, which was cited above. The text of the speech was passed on in April 1936 to the German embassy in London.[93] After the Second World War, Churchill published the speech in The Second World War – The Gathering Storm in the Boston edition of 1948. Presumably there was some intervention, since in the London edition of 1948 and naturally, of course, in the German edition, it is missing!

Here Churchill declares:

Here it is once again, the void which is the gist of it all: power and money – the rest is window-dressing! Neither the victory over Spain, nor that over Louis XIV or Napoleon, which of course also belongs in this roll call, led to the triumph of democracy in these nations! How things went for the people in these systems was a matter of total indifference to the powerful in Great Britain – and democracy, which was allegedly so important according to Western propaganda, was not only withheld from the French and the Spanish, but also from their own subjects.[3]

For had the struggle really been waged against the tyrant and for democracy, then British policy would have had to vehemently and energetically oppose the Soviet Union, be it only by means of continuous massive support of the Whites against the Reds. In the 20th century, morality was discovered as a weapon and directed against Germany. By labeling the enemy a criminal, one justifies any crime against him! By raising his crimes to the status of 'uniqueness,' one relativizes and trivializes any other crime into insignificance!

False Parallels

As is well known, Rome and Carthage fought three wars, Great Britain and Germany, so far, only two! Since Germany has been reunified and Communism has collapsed, as a result of which German assistance against the Soviet Union is no longer needed, this Carthage Syndrome surfaced again. Kissinger and Walesa, whose greed for loot is immeasurable, were cited. But there are still other texts without aggressive background, which give reason for hope.

Sir Hartley Shawcross, Chief Prosecutor for Great Britain at the Nuremberg war crime trials, feels ashamed for having been an accomplice with the Soviets in delivering Europe to Stalinism. (Click to enlarge)

On March 12, 1948, a few days after the downfall in the CSR and the subsequent suicide of Jan Masaryk, the Chief Prosecutor for Great Britain at the Nuremberg war crime trials, Sir Hartley Shawcross, stated according to the London Times:[94]

The international edition of the U.S. magazine Newsweek wrote on May 8, 1995, the 50^th anniversary of the unconditional surrender of the German Armed Forces:[96]

And the German government? A small episode proves that those who govern there know much better than the governed what is going on globally. When then British Prime Minister John Major, in his address in Berlin for the 50th anniversary of the war's end, spoke of the second Thirty Years War from 1914-1945:

The Bulletin of the German government (No. 38, May 12, 1995) falsified the text of the speech into:

In English:

But still weeks after the speech, the British embassy sent the upper text with the clear formulation “the other 30 Years War”! By the will of the German Federal Government, the fact that Major sees the First and Second World War as parts of a single event, was not allowed to become publicly known in Germany.

Berthold Brecht once wrote warningly, with an eye on Germany:[97]

After the First World War, a foreign diplomat expressed to Churchill:[98]

The European upper classes, the idle ones of Scheler and Shaw, who wanted to be “clever” as they went out of their way to start a war, they have paid! Anastasia, the wife of the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevitch – who, in 1914 after a murder in Sarajevo, is supposed to have called out triumphantly to Poincaré: “War will break out. Nothing more will remain of Austria […] Germany will be destroyed!”[99] – lost everything!

In 1947, after the Second World War, India, the Crown of the British Empire, became independent. Egypt freed itself from Great Britain and subsequently Great Britain had to cede the Suez Canal. In 1957 the Gold Coast became the first independent state of Black Africa, after which a large number of colonies followed. Churchill had yet to learn what Shaw knew: that the world for which one exchanged one's soul, had its own way of melting in one's hands. Not even the First, and most certainly not the Second World War, Great Britain was able to win by its own resources! From a position as master of the world, Great Britain was relegated to insignificance, and the descent seems not to have come to an end yet. New powers are arising. Their influence, by means of the modern terrorist techniques of war and the unhesitating way with which they are used, can easily grow to extreme proportions. They are staking claims and creating new centers of conflict. They threaten to unite the Islamic powers and Fundamentalism. A new war against Germany would propel their power into the stratosphere. It is to be feared that powerful groups will continue not to see that the world of today is much larger than the White man's world.

In any case, the analogy of Rome = Great Britain and Carthage = Germany is false. For Carthage was the commercial and sea power and Rome the land power of antiquity! Brecht was a master of language, but had no head for politics. His history would tell a different story today: Great Britain won two wars. It was still powerful after the first, still inhabitable after the second. Does anyone seriously believe that Great Britain could dare to wage yet a third war against Germany?

Notes