The July 20th Conspirators and the Catholic Church

As most long time list members are aware, we from time to time examine questions relating to World War II. Were the Allies the right side, the wrong side, or was there a correct side (“God's side”) in the war. We know that Pius XII specifically rejected the Allied contention that their war against Hitler was a “Just War” according to Catholic teaching.

A few weeks ago, the television program “60 Minutes” did a program on the July 20th Conspirators who sought to kill the legally elected German head of State and supreme commander, Adolf Hitler.

They were shown in glowing light as those who would rid the earth of the evil of Adolf Hitler by performing tyrannicide, and held up as shining examples of virtue. But are they? Even in Germany of today, after 51 years of quot;reeducation” they are still regarded as traitors to their nation.

One can only imagine what Americans would think of killing Franklin Roosevelt – who agitated and planned for the war for many years prior to 1939. Or Englishmen on the killing of Winston Churchill, who was also in the pockets of Roosevelt, and other Judeo/Masonic powers determined to destroy Germany at all costs. Or how about Samuel Untermeyer, the head of the World Jewish Congress, who in large banner headlines in 1933 in English papers, declared “Judea Declares War On Hitler”, and which declared themselves co-belligerents in the War on the Allied side?

There is, among Americans in particular, the idea that somehow these conspirators were good people and were supported by the German people in their desire to rid themselves of Hitler. At my request, The Institute for Historical Review was kind enough to forward me the article by General Otto Remer on this “Putsch” attempt by the conspirators. General, then Major, Remer was in command of the Division “Gross Deutschland” (Greater Germany) stationed in Berlin on July 2, 1944.

Following the article we shall close with the statements of Pope Pius XII upon the “Just War” claims of the Allies, two examples of Catholic teaching on tyrannicide, and the effects of it all on the Catholic Church, in short.

My Role in Berlin on July 20, 1944

Otto Ernst Remer

My assignment to the guard regiment “Grossdeutschland” in Berlin was actually a form of rest and recreation-my first leave from the front-after my many wounds and in recognition of my combat decorations, including the Knight's Cross with Oak Leaves and the Close Combat Badge in Silver (forty-eight days of close combat). Later I would be wounded again. In all I was to command the guard regiment for only four months, since I felt obligated to be back with my comrades at the front.

My mission as commander of the guard regiment “Grossdeutschland,” which I took over at the end of May 1944, was, aside from purely ceremonial duties, to safeguard the Reich government and the Reich capital. Since there were more than a million foreign workers in Berlin and its immediate vicinity, the possibility of internal unrest had to be taken into account. Around noon on July 20, 1944 1st Lieutenant Dr. Hans Hagen, who had been severely wounded at the front, concluded his lecture on cultural history before the officers and NCO's of the regiment. He was attached to my regiment only administratively and in no way as a National Socialist political officer, as has often been reported. I was the regiment's sole leader, politically as well as militarily.

I had invited Hagen to lunch afterward in my quarters at the Rathenow barracks, together with my adjutant, 1st Lieutenant Siebert. Siebert, who had lost an eye in combat, was a pastor of the Confessional Church [that branch of the German Protestant Church which opposed Hitler-Trans.]. He attended services every Sunday at the Garrison Church, with my express permission, although I myself had left the church. Among us personal freedom was the rule. Nor did it bother me that, after having been an SA stormtrooper and a member of the party during the years of struggle before Hitler came to power, he had resigned from both organizations to protest defamatory remarks by his local party leader concerning the ancestry of Jesus Christ. Lt. Siebert suffered no adverse consequences due to his resignation.

In those days that sort of thing was entirely possible, with no repercussions. Indeed, before I chose Siebert, due to his character, as my adjutant, he confided to me that while still a stormtrooper he had broken into a Gestapo office in order to obtain documents incriminating colleagues in the Confessional Church. For me Siebert's frank admissions were just a further evidence of the personal elan that recommended him as a trustworthy adjutant. That's the way it was in the Third Reich, so widely execrated nowadays. Neither in my unit nor in the officer corps as a whole did there prevail the stubborn narrow-mindedness, not to mention the sort of terror against dissenting opinions, that is carried on against nationalists in West Germany today by the Office for Constitutional Protection. Nor have I ever heard that Pastor Siebert considered himself to be a resistance fighter or that he later pretended to have been one.

Characteristic of our open-mindedness was a discourse which took place after lunch between Hagen, the topnotch cultural historian, and Pastor Siebert concerning the Heliand [an Old Saxon Bible adaptation-Trans.]. The question involved the extent to which traditional Germanic structures were invoked in order to render the new and alien doctrine understandable. Thus Christ was represented as a warlord, and his disciples the warrior band. After a while, I lost interest in the two scholarly gamecocks' wordy contention, so I placed a reconciliatory bottle of wine on the table and headed for the swimming pool at the nearby sports arena to keep myself fit for my next front assignment.

During the early afternoon of July 20, 1944 my regiment, like all units of the Replacement Army, was alerted by the codeword “Valkyrie.” “Valkyrie” provided for the mobilization of the Replacement Army in case of internal unrest. While my regiment automatically implemented the prescribed measures, I was summoned from the swimming pool. In compliance with my orders I drove immediately to my designated post, the Berlin City Command Center, directly across from the “Eternal Watch” honor guard. While the other unit commanders waited in the anteroom, I alone was admitted to the city commander, Major General von Hase, and given the following briefing on the situation and my assignment.

“The Fuhrer has had a fatal accident! Civil disorder has broken out The Army has assumed executive authority! The guard regiment is ordered to concentrate a strong force, reinforced for counterattack, to seal off the government quarter so that nobody, not even a general or a government minister, can enter or leave! To support you in sealing off the streets and subways I'm seconding Lieutenant Colonel Wolters to your command!”

As these orders were being issued, I was struck by the circumstance that a younger officer of the general staff, Major Hayessen, assisted, while the former and senior general staff officer, whom I knew personally, stood about, idle and noticeably nervous. I was naturally very shocked by the general's words, since I felt that with Hitler's death the possibility of a favorable turn in the war had almost disappeared. Immediately, I asked:

“Is the Fuhrer actually dead? Was it an accident or has he been assassinated? Where have civil disturbances occurred? I saw nothing unusual while driving here through Berlin. Why is executive authority passing to the Army and not to the Wehrmacht? Who is the Fuhrer's successor? According to Hitler's testament Hermann Goring is automatically his successor. Has he issued any orders or proclamations?”

Since I received neither detailed information nor clear answers to my questions, the situation became even murkier, and I felt a certain sense of mistrust even from the beginning. When I tried to get a brief glimpse of the papers which lay before me on the table, above all to see who had signed the orders, Major Hayessen ostentatiously gathered them up and put them in a folder. As I returned to my regiment I was oppressed by the notion that “Adolf Hitler's dead, now confusion reigns, various people will probably try to seize power.” I contemplated the future struggles for succession. I decided that, in any case, I would not allow myself to be misused in my capacity as commander of the only elite unit on active duty in Berlin.

My regiment was made up entirely of picked, proven combat soldiers with high decorations for bravery. Every officer sported the Knights Cross. I bore in mind as well the events of 1918, after which the Berlin guard units had been reproached for their hesitancy, which contributed to the success of the revolution. I had no desire to expose myself to a similar reproach before History.

When I returned to my troops, I gathered my officers and informed them of the situation and our orders. The alleged death of Adolf Hitler sent officers and men into shock. Never in my life, even at Germany's final defeat, have I witnessed such despondency. Despite the numerous stories which flourish today, that is the absolute truth: I vouch for it

I made no secret to my officers that there was a lot that was still unclear, indeed mysterious to me, and that I would in no way allow myself or my unit to be exploited. I expressly demanded unconditional confidence and absolute obedience, just as at the front, from every one of my officers. This somewhat unusual demand was due to a telephone call I received during the briefing from a general I didn't recognize — it was probably Major General Friedrich Olbricht — at the High Command of the Replacement Army, requisitioning a company from my unit for a special assignment. This demand I explicitly rejected, pointing out that I had been entrusted with a clearly defined mission and that dispersing my forces didn't seem advisable.

After the briefing I received two reports which further disturbed me. The first was from 1st Lt. Dr. Hagen, a member of my staff, who informed me that while on the way to the barracks he had seen Field Marshal Brauchitsch, in full uniform, driving his car on the streets of Berlin. This was strange, for Brauchitsch was retired. Given the circumstances, his appearance in uniform seemed remarkable. It later turned out that the officer seen by Dr. Hagen can't have been Brauchitsch. Probably it was one of the conspirators.

The second disconcerting report was from Lt. Colonel Wolters, who had been attached to my regiment as a liaison officer by the Command Center. He told me that I mustn't believe he was there to keep tabs on me as an informer. Such a remark was completely uncalled for. Not only was it incongruous and annoying, it awoke precisely the suspicion it was designed to allay: somebody had something up his sleeve. As it turned out, the briefing I gave my officers caused the colonel misgivings. In order to avoid responsibility, he simply went home — an unthinkable course of action for an officer on active duty.

My doubts that Major General von Hase's description of the situation matched the facts, doubts strengthened by another version which had Hitler murdered by the SS, convinced me that I had to determine the facts for myself. I decided to telephone every command post I could. This was just basic reconnaissance, a matter of course for every commander before committing his troops. Needless to say this type of thinking and acting is quite at odds with the notorious corpse-like obedience that denigrators of the Third Reich's army attribute to it.

Among other things I decided to send 1st Lt. Dr. Hagen, who had eagerly volunteered, to the Reich Defense Commissioner for Berlin, Dr. Joseph Goebbels. Dr. Hagen had earlier worked under Dr. Goebbels in the Propaganda Ministry, and I believed that by dispatching him to Dr. Goebbels I would be informed about not only the military but also the political situation. Gauleiter and Defense Commissioner for Berlin as well as Propaganda Minister, Dr. Goebbels was in consequence of the former positions patron of the “Grossdeutschland” Division, which was made up of soldiers from all the provinces of the Reich.

About an hour and a half after the “Valkyrie” order was given, my regiment, by then combat-ready, moved into the areas to be sealed off in accordance with its orders. The normal guard units, such as those at the War Memorial and the Bendlerblock, the headquarters of the Commander of the Replacement Army and of the Defense Production Office, remained at their posts. At about 4:15 p.m. Lt. Arends, the duty officer in the Bendlerblock, reported to me that he had been ordered to seal off all entrances to the building. A Colonel Mertz von Quirnheim, whom Lt. Arends didn't know, had given him this assignment Lt. Arends had further been instructed by General Olbricht to open fire on any SS units that might approach.

After personally inspecting my troops in their new positions, at about 5:00p.m. I returned once more to the City Commander, General von Hase, to inform him that I had carried out his orders. At this time I was asked to establish my command post there in the City Command Center, opposite the War Memorial. I had already set up a message center, commanded by Lt. Gees, in the Rathenow Barracks, with which I maintained telephone contact Then von Hase gave me an additional assignment, to seal off a block of buildings north of the Anhalt Station (he showed me where on the map), very tightly. As I commenced carrying out these orders, I ascertained that the block designated housed the Main Office of Reich Security.

The unclearness, not to mention the deception, of this misleading order, could only strengthen my suspicions. Why wasn't I given explicit orders to place the Main Office of Reich Security under guard? It goes without saying that I would have carried out even this order. Thus, on my third visit to General von Hase, I asked him directly “Herr General, why am I receiving orders formulated so obscurely? Why wasn't I simply told to pay special attention to the Main Office of Reich Security?” Von Hase was quite nervous and excited. He didn't even respond to my question. If one wonders today how a young officer like me could allow himself such liberties with a general, it should be borne in mind that we young commanders saw ourselves as battle-hardened, proven combat leaders, and we had scant regard for the chairborne warriors of the home front.

In this connection I should like to point out something based on my long experience at the front just as in the First World War it was the veteran commanders of the shock companies who epitomized the front experience, so in the Second World War it was the young commanders, come of age on the front, who had forged with their troops a sworn fellowship of combat. These men could not only fight, they wanted to fight, particularly since they believed in Germany's victory.

While in General von Hase's office I overheard from a conversation between the General and his First General Staff Officer that Goebbels was now to be arrested, and that this assignment was to be mine. Since I found this an unpleasant duty in light of my attempt to contact Goebbels, I jumped in and told General von Hase:

“Herr GeneraL I consider myself unsuitable for this assignment As you know, I've been with the Grossdeutschland Division, I've worn its stripe, for years. For me your mission would be very unchivalrous, for as you are doubtless aware, Dr. Goebbels, in his capacity as Gauleiter of Berlin, is at the same time the patron of the Grossdeutschland. Only two weeks ago I paid Goebbels my first call as new commander of the guard regiment. On these grounds I consider it inappropriate that I, in particular, be ordered to arrest my patron.”

Possibly von Hase sympathized with my arguments; from whatever grounds he now ordered the military police to take Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels into custody. Around 5:30 p.m. Lt. Dr. Hagen finally met with Dr. Goebbels in his private residence, at 20 Hermann-Goring Strasse beside the Brandenburg Gate, after having tried in vain to see him at the Propaganda Ministry. The Reich Minister had no idea of the danger he was in. It was only after Hagen, in order to emphasize how serious the situation was, pointed out vehicles from the guard regiment as they drove by, that Goebbels took fright. He cried, “This is impossible, what shall we do?” To which Hagen suggested, “The best thing would be for you to summon my commander here.”

Goebbels asked curtly: “Can your commander be trusted?” “I'd lay down my life for him!” replied Hagen.

As I was going down the corridor just after leaving the City Commander's office, I finally found my bearings as a result of Hagen's contacting Goebbels. Hagen had driven back to the barracks, given Gees his instructions, and then driven to my new command post at the Command Center, which was being heavily guarded. To avoid any hindrance, he did not enter the building, but informed my adjutant, Lt. Siebert, and my orderly, Lt. Buck, of the situation, asking them to inform me without delay. They reported as follows:

There's a completely new situation! This is probably a military putsch! Nothing further is known! The Reich Defense Commissioner requests that you come to him as quickly as possible! If you're not there within twenty minutes, he will assume that you are being forcibly restrained. In that case he will be compelled to alert the Waffen-SS. To avoid civil war, he has until then ordered the Leibstandarte [Hitler's personal bodyguard, the 1st Division of the Waffen-SS-Trans.] to stay where it is.

When I learned these things from my adjutant, I decided to see General von Hase one more time. That I still trusted the Major General, even then, is shown by my having Lt. Buck repeat to me once again, in the presence of von Hase, the message from Goebbels. I didn't want to seem an intriguer; as a veteran combat officer it was my practice to lay all my cards on the table.

Von Hase bluntly rejected my request to comply with the Reich Defense Commissioner's summons so that I might clarify the situation in the interest of all concerned. After leaving the Command Center without interference, I deliberated, together with my adjutant, Lt. Siebert — today a pastor in Nuremberg — as to what I should do. My key role in this difficult and obscure situation, which I had not caused, was increasingly clear to me. I felt that by now my head was on the line too. After evaluating the situation as carefully as I could at that time, I decided that in spite of von Hase's order to the contrary I would go to Goebbels. My reasons were as follows:

First, I didn't want to be deprived of my freedom of action under any circumstances, as often happened at the front. Often there was a very thin line between being awarded a high decoration or being sentenced to death by a court martial.

Second, I felt myself still bound by my oath; so far the report of the Fuhrer's death was at least doubtful. Thus, I had to act in keeping with the oath I swore on the flag.

Third, at the front I had many times made responsible decisions on my own, decisions the correctness of which was confirmed by my being awarded high decorations. Many a situation can only be mastered by decisive action. I felt as one with my comrades at the front, who wouldn't understand were I to stand idly by out of a lack of civic courage. I could not allow myself the responsibility of letting things come to a fatal head. I thought of 1918.

Fourth, I was under compulsion, since Goebbels had plans to alert the Waffen-SS, raising the possibility that a fraternal war between two forces, each proven in combat, might break out. As the commander of the only elite unit in Berlin on active duty I was responsible for the lives of the men entrusted to me. To employ them in a totally confused affair was not my duty.

Nevertheless, I didn't entirely trust Goebbels either, for I still assumed that Hitler was dead, and believed a struggle for succession was possible. I was far from wanting to let myself and my unit be thrust into a latter-day Diadochian struggle. Inasmuch as Goebbels' role remained unclear, I took along Lt. Buck and a platoon of soldiers. Their orders were to come and get me if I didn't emerge from Goebbels' residence in fifteen minutes. Then, after releasing the safety catch of my pistol, I entered the Reich Minister's office, where I had been eagerly awaited, and asked Goebbels to orient me. With that Goebbels asked me to tell him everything I knew.

I did so, although I didn't reveal that von Hase intended to arrest him, since I was still unclear as to Goebbels' role in all this. When he asked me what I intended to do, I told him that I would stick to my military orders and that I was determined to carry them out even if the Fuhrer were no longer alive, I felt bound by my oath and could only act in accord with my conscience as an officer. At that Goebbels looked at me in amazement and cried: “What are you talking about? The Fuhrer is alive! I've spoken with him on the telephone. The assassination failed! You've been tricked.”

This information came as a complete surprise. When I heard that the Fuhrer was still alive, I was greatly relieved. But I was still suspicious. Therefore I asked Goebbels to assure me, on his word of honor, that what he said was true and that he stood unconditionally behind the Fuhrer. Goebbels hesitated at first, because he didn't understand the reason for my request.

It was only after I repeated that as an officer I needed his word of honor in order to see my way clear that he obliged. My wish to telephone the Fuhrer's headquarters coincided with his. Within seconds I was connected to the Wolf's Lair at Rastenburg in East Prussia. To my great surprise Hitler himself came on the line.

Goebbels quickly explained the situation to the Fuhrer and then handed me the receiver. Adolf Hitler said to me, approximately, the following: “Major Remer, can you hear me, do you recognize my voice? Do you understand me?” I replied affirmatively, but I was nevertheless uncertain. It flashed through my mind that someone could possibly be imitating the Fuhrer's voice. To be sure I had become personally acquainted with the Fuhrer's voice during the previous year, when, after he had awarded me the Oak Leaf to the Knight's Cross, I had been able to speak alone and completely frankly with him for an hour about the cares and miseries of the front. It was only as he continued speaking over the telephone that I became convinced that I was indeed speaking with Hitler. He went on:

“As you can tell I'm alive. The assassination has failed, Providence didn't intend it. A small clique of ambitious, disloyal, and traitorous officers wanted to kill me. Now we've got these saboteurs of the front. We'll make short work of this treacherous plague, by brute force if necessary. From this moment on, Major Remer, I am giving you complete authority in Berlin. You are responsible to me personally and exclusively for the immediate restoration of peace and security in the Reich capital. You will remain under my personal command for this purpose until Reichsfuehrer Himmler arrives there and relieves you of responsibility.”

The Fuhrer's words were very calm, determined, and convincing. I could breathe a sigh of relief, for the conversation had removed all my doubts. The soldier's oath which I had sworn to the Fuhrer was still binding, and the guiding principle of my actions. Now my only concern was to eliminate misunderstandings and to avoid unnecessary bloodshed by acting quickly and decisively.

Goebbels asked me to inform him of the content of my conversation with Hitler, and asked me what I intended to do next. He placed the downstairs rooms of his house at my disposal, and I set up a new command post there. By this time it was 6:30 p.m. The first report of the bomb attack in the Fuhrer's headquarters was broadcast over the Greater German Radio Network around fifteen minutes later.

Due to my visit to the Berlin City Command Center I had a rough idea, for the most part, of the dispositions of the units advancing on Berlin. To let their commanders know the real situation, I dispatched staff officers in all directions to bring the word. Success was total. The question “The Fuhrer — with him or against him?” worked miracles.

I would like to state unequivocally that every one of these commanding officers, who like me were outraged at what had happened, subordinated themselves unconditionally to my command, although they all outranked me. Thus, they demonstrated that their soldier's oaths were binding for them as well. Difficulties, temporary in nature, arose here and there, where personal briefings were not immediately possible.

Due to the prevailing uncertainty and because of misunderstanding — some thought that the guard regiments sealing off its designated area meant that it had mutinied — on two occasions my regiment came within a hair's breadth of being fired on by other units. At the Fehrbelliner Platz an armored brigade had assembled at the order of the conspirators, but an order radioed by Lt. General Guderian removed it from the conspirators' control.

Thereafter this unit undertook reconnaissance and mistakenly concluded that the guard regiment “Grossdeutschland” was on the side of the conspirators and had apprehended Reich Minister Goebbels. Several of the brigade's tanks advanced tentatively, and bloodshed could have been a near thing had I not intervened personally to clear up the confusion.

The same thing happened in front of the Bendlerblock, the Headquarters of the Commander of the Replacement Army, when a Panzergrenadier company tried to take over from my guard, which had been authorized by the Fuhrer. The energetic intervention of officers from my regiment made possible a clarification at the last moment and prevented German soldiers from firing on each other. Here too the question “Hitler — with him or against him?” proved decisive.

I had sent one of my company commanders, Captain Schlee, to the Bendlerblock in order to clear things up. At this point I had no idea that the leadership of the conspiracy had its Headquarters there. Schlee had orders to withdraw our guards, because I wanted, as much as possible, to avoid bloodshed. When he arrived he was ordered to see General Olbricht He took the precaution of telling the guard to bring him out by force in the event he didn't return promptly. In fact he was placed under arrest in the general's waiting room by Colonel Mertz von Quirnheim, who told him to stay there. When Mertz went into Olbricht's office, however, Schlee simply walked away.

When he returned to our guard, Lt. Arends informed him of a strange occurrence. He'd heard shouts coming from an upper story of the building and just then a typewriter and a telephone came flying through the window and into the courtyard. Schlee did an about-face and led a patrol back up to find out what was going on. He quickly identified the room from which the noise was coming; it was locked, but not under guard, and the key was still in the lock.

Inside was General von Kortzfleisch, commanding general of the Berlin Military District it was he who had thrown the objects out the window. The general had been summoned to the Bendlerblock to receive his orders. On his arrival, he steadfastly refused to cooperate with the conspirators. He was arrested and locked in, but left unguarded. Now that he was free, he gave us our first information as to the leadership of the conspiracy.

At 7:30 p.m. our guards were relieved, in keeping with orders. Olbricht had to replace our guard detail with his own officers. The commander of the new guard was Lt. Colonel Fritz von der Lancken. As he was moving out Schlee learned from a captain in the communications center in the Benderblock that Major Remer had been ordered by the Fuhrer to put down the putsch. They had been able to overhear my conversation with the Fuhrer, and recognized that the telexes they were to send out were the conspirators' orders. Thus the men in the communications center deliberately delayed sending the messages, or in some cases didn't dispatch them at all. Truly a masterfully prepared plan: the conspirators had no accomplices!

Furthermore, telexes and telephone messages continued to come in from the Fuhrer's Headquarters, making the actual state of affairs quite clear. Countless orders were given that late afternoon of the twentieth of July. Among other measures I moved the replacement brigade of the Grossdeutschland from Cottbus to the outskirts of Berlin as a combat reserve. The brigade, too, had gotten different orders from the conspirators beforehand. Its tried and true commander, Colonel Schulte-Neuhaus, who had lost an arm in combat and whom I knew from the front, reported to my command post I introduced him to Goebbels.

Meanwhile I concentrated my own troops more tightly around the Reich Chancery complex, and formed a strong combat reserve in the garden of Goebbels' official residence. Goebbels asked me to address the troops assembled there, which I did. Their outrage at the traitorous goings-on was so great that they would have torn every single conspirator to pieces, had they been there. Then I sealed off the City Command Center, for I'd gotten the impression that there was a number of questionable characters there. I also learned that after my refusal to arrest Goebbels, the military police had been ordered to do so. I waited in vain for them to appear. Later I heard that not a single unit was ready to arrest Dr. Goebbels, so that it was left to von Hase himself.

The City Commander was at this point at the headquarters of the deputy commander, to which he had driven in order to work out further measures with the general, who had been installed there by the Conspirators. They had discussed things for two hours without coming to a decision, typical behavior for these combat-shy Conspirators.

After General von Hase's return to the City Command Center was |reported to me, I asked him over the telephone to come by my command post at Goebbels' residence in order to clarify the situation. At first he refused my invitation, and demanded that, since I was his subordinate, I should report to him at the Command Center.

It was only after I informed him that I had been ordered personally by the Fuhrer to restore peace and order, as his immediate subordinate; that thus von Hase was under my orders; and that I would come and get him if he didn't appear of his own free will, that the general arrived. At this point I was still under the impression that von Hase, who had often been my guest at the officers' club, who frequently expressed his solidarity with the soldiers at the front, and who on no account omitted a “Sieg Heil!” to his beloved Fuhrer from any speech, had been deceived, just as I had been, and was unaware of the facts. Therefore I apologized for my unusual treatment. On his arrival von Hase was affability personified; he even praised me for my independence and decisiveness, and for seeking out Goebbels, by which I had averted a good deal of mischief

Even with Goebbels von Hase played the innocent, and acted as if he had no inkling of any conspiracy. He was asked to stand by for further information, and a room was placed at his disposal. As von Hase left Goebbels' office, there was an embarrassing incident, which made me, as a German officer, blush for shame. In these very tense circumstances, von Hase stated that he had been busy the whole day and hadn't had a thing to eat. Goebbels immediately offered to have a sandwich prepared and asked him if he would like a glass of Mosel or Rhine wine as well.

As soon as von Hase had left the office, Goebbels sneered: “My name is Hare [Hase], I know nothing.” That's the stuff our revolutionary putsch generals are made of with the irons still in the fire they want to be wined and dined, and call their mommies on the telephone. In their place I'd see my tongue ripped out before I'd make such contemptible requests.”

Two events illustrate how little thought and planning went into the putsch. My conversations and orders were routed through the same communications center in the Bendlerblock, headquarters of the conspiracy, from which the plotters' orders were being disseminated in all directions.

The communications officers could have delayed my orders or not transmitted them at all or they could have interrupted my telephone calls, none of which they did. I even received a message from the Reich Broadcasting Service, inquiring about what was going on. As a result, I was able to give the order that under no circumstances was any unscheduled transmission to be made. As a result this important communications medium was denied to the plotters as well. What transpired at the Broadcasting Center on the Masurenallee? Major Jacob had been ordered to occupy the Broadcasting Center. Astonishingly enough he had been ordered neither to broadcast any announcements nor to shut down the station. He attempted to telephone the conspirators to report his occupation of the radio station and to request additional orders.

He had no luck, however he wasn't put through, as happened at many offices. For front-line soldiers the loss of telephone connections was a frequent occurrence. In such a case the normal procedure was to establish radio communications or to send a courier. Major Jacob had a teleprinter at his disposal as well, but he used none of these methods. Stauffenberg, the General Staff officer who planned the putsch, gave no thought to furnishing motorcycle couriers — such trivial details were studiously overlooked!

Rudolf-Gunther Wagner, the man who was to broadcast the conspirators' proclamations, said later:

“I had known for years that I was to broadcast the proclamation on the day of the putsch I awaited with feverish excitement the arrival of the lieutenant who was to bring me the proclamation. Unfortunately I waited in vain, until I heard from Goebbels' loudspeakers that the assassination had failed.”

As is now well known, General Lindemann, who had the text of the proclamation, was nowhere to be found. General Beck was not willing to step in; he ordered Hans-Bernd Gisevius, a conspirator with the Abwehr, to bring the proclamation. First, however, Gisevius had to speedily draft a new statement, while the conspirators Stauffenberg, Hoepner, Yorck, Schwerin, and Schulenburg shouted suggestions at him. For this fiasco, too, Stauffenberg, the Manager of the conspiracy, bears responsibility. To keep a broadcasting station in operation requires skilled and trustworthy personnel. A team had been ordered to the City Command Center but waited there idly until it was arrested during the counteraction. Hans Kasper, who was part of Operation Jacob, later commented:

“It was around that time that the twentieth of July collapsed. From the perspective of a radio editor it was tragic. Tragic because the way in which details were handled made it obvious that this revolt had had very little chance of succeeding.”

In the meantime Lt. Schlee had reported to me what was happening at the Bendlerblock. I knew nothing of the inside story. Nor that Lt. General Fromm, Commander in Chief of the Replacement Army, had withdrawn from the plot and been arrested by the conspirators. Schlee was further ordered, after our guards ad been relieved, to surround and seal off the Bendlerblock, without entering the buildings. At about 7:00 p.m. I felt I had the situation in Berlin in hand. The tension began to subside.

[This article was translated from Otto Ernst Remer's book “Erschworung und Verrat um Hitler” (Conspiracy and Betrayal round Hitler), published by Verlag K. W. Schutz, Preussisch Oldendorf, West Germany, reviewed in this journal by H. Keith Thompson. The contents of this article closely parallel General Remer's address to the Eighth International Revisionist Conference.-Ed.]

Translated by Mark Weber

The following is from The Beleaguered City: The War Against Catholics (available from Omni Christian Books, Palmdale, CA).

Pius XII, Pope (1939-1958)

ccording to the pope's housekeeper reported in The Popessa, Adolf Hitler came to visit Pacelli when he was Nuncio in Bavaria in 1919. She states that:

Hitler told Pacelli that he was out to check the spread of atheism in Munich and elsewhere. Through the door, which had been left ajar, Pascalina overheard the prelate say, “Munich has been good to me, so has Germany. I pray Almighty God that this land remain a holy land, in the hands of Our Lord, and free of communism.”

It did not come as a surprise to hear, therefore, in light of Pacelli's hatred of the Reds, to see the prelate present Hitler with a large cache of Church money to aid the rising revolutionary and his small, struggling band of anti communists.

“Go, quell the devil's works,” Pacelli told Hitler. “Help spread the love of Almighty God!”

In his letter to the German bishops of August 1940 Pius XII expressed his admiration for the German Catholics who

“loyal unto death give proof of their willingness to share the sacrifices and sufferings of the other Volksgenossen.” (Levy, p. 251)

The Pope's attitude was not at all vague about the German invasion of Russia on June 22, 1941. While taking no definite stand on the German invasion, he made it clear that he backed the Nazi fight against Bolshevism, describing it as “high-minded gallantry in defense of the foundations of Christian culture.” (The Catholic Church And The Nazis, p 674-5)

“Pope Pius XII had instructed Roosevelt's special emissary Myron C. Taylor that any extension of the war by the United States would be frowned on. Indeed, the Vatican had flatly refused to pronounce the war of the democracies against National Socialism a “just war”; Hitler learned this on October 7 (1941).” (Irving, Hitler's War, p. 324)

This refusal to name the American and Allied campaign against Germany a Just War is reiterated in The Popessa.

“The Vatican flatly refused in October 1941 under American pressure to pronounce the war of the democracies against National Socialism a 'just war'.” (The Popessa)

The Pope was solicitous toward the German cause against atheistic Communism throughout the war:

We empower you to state explicitly, to everyone, that the German people,in particular, have always been clasped in Our heart and that the German people, who are now being so sorely tried, are, more than any other nation, the object of Our very special concern. We have always given outward, as well as other, expression to our great sympathy for Germany, by interrupting Our private audiences so that members of the German Armed Forces who wished to visit us might not have to wait unnecessarily.

We make unceasing efforts to help, and especially to relieve the German people from the pressure of the dreadful terror attacks (allied bombing raids). Let everyone be convinced that, where the situation permits, we do everything that possibly can be done. (Runes, The War Against The Jew)

As regards Tyrannicide we find:

“The holy Synod, July 6, 1415 declares and defines this opinion:”Any tyrant can lawfully and meritoriously be killed and ought so to be killed by an vassal or subject of his, even by secret plots, and subtle flattery and adulation, regardless of any oath of fealty and any pact made with him, without waiting for an opinion or command of any judge whatsoever” . . . is erroneous in faith and morals, and it (the Synod) condemns and rejects it as heretical, scandalous, and as offering a way to frauds,deceptions, lies, treasons, and false oaths. In addition it declares, decrees, and defines that those who persistently sow this most pernicious doctrine are heretics…” -Council of Constance (D 690)

Furthermore, in standard textbook on Moral Theology:

Is Tyrannicide Lawful?

(a) If the ruler is a tyrant in act (that is, one who has a lawful title to rule but who abuses his authority), it is not lawful to kill him on account of his misdeeds or crimes, since the subject has not the authority to act in the name of the nation (Rom., xiii 1 sqq.; I Peter, ii. 18). In case of self-defense, however, as when the tyrant unjustly makes a personal attempt on the life of a citizen, the latter has the right to kill. The Council of Constance condemned the doctrine of Wycliff that every subject has the right to assassinate a tyrannical prince, a doctrine that would make the position of every ruler unsafe, since there are always persons who think they are victims of persecution. The nation, however, has the right to depose or even to execute a wicked ruler, for government is given to rulers for the benefit, not for the destruction, of the common good.

(b) If the ruler is a tyrant in title (that is, a usurper), it is not lawful to kill him, when he has already obtained peaceful possession; for here again it cannot be said that the killer would have the authorization of the nation. If, however, the tyrant has not obtained possession but is struggling for it, his status will not be that of ruler but of public enemy, and it will be lawful to kill him as an act of war, provided the conditions of a just war are present.

Thus, these men who in the uniform of their country sought to betray it in the midst of war, are among the most degenerate of men. Americans who knew the score on Roosevelt felt that they must see the war through for the good of the country, and then they would deal with Roosevelt. That is a far more Catholic response than resorting to immoral means.

There are those who still raise the holy “6 million” against Hitler and claim that if he had been killed there would have been no “6 million”. We know now that there were no “6 million” anyway. Beginning as an Allied hoax and justification for the utter destruction of Catholic Europe; the killing of 8 million German civilians; the uprooting and expulsion of 15 million Germans from their ancestral homes and lands; the stripping of the wealth of Germany, its factories, patents, and personal wealth;the Nuremberg show trials; and over $50 Billion dollars (1950s dollars) in damage to France, Germany, Italy, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Croatia, etc., by the gentle hands of the Allied “Liberators”, was the result. And, an explanation was demanded.

Thus the “6 million”, which went on to become a religion in its own right, as the Zionists have used this mythical 6 million to induce a deep psychosis of guilt into all of Christian society, to blacken the name of Pope Pius XII, demonizing the German nation while continuing 51 years of “reeducation” in Germany teaching young Germans that they are a nation of beasts and monsters, that their fathers and forefathers are to be reviled, hated, and spat upon — all for what forensic evidence, allied over-flights of Auschwitz, and documentary evidence prove never happened, nor could possibly have happened.

Further, as many of the truly Catholic bishops and priests supported the Axis effort to break the power of the international banking system, and to reestablish a social and economic system based upon Catholic principles, and to destroy the Communist/Bolshevik base in Russia, these good priests and bishops were also in turn reviled, hated and deposed in all but name by the modernists and Masonic elements within the Church. Thus we segue to the conclave of 1958, when Giuseppe Siri, elected Pope Gregory XVII, was suppressed and John XXIII (the very name of the last antipope) was put in his stead as the masonic antipope to destroy the Church. And so, we end at the gates of Vatican II, the novus ordo, and Catholic ruin.

The following is from the “Prophesies” section of “The Siri Thesis”:

1. The missing portion of the original Saint Michael Prayer promulgated by Pope Leo XIII (from “The Raccolta”, twelfth edition, Langdon, Burns, Oates and Washbourne, Ltd., 1935.): “In the Holy Place itself, where has been set up the See of the most holy Peter and the Chair of Truth for the light of the world, they have raised the throne of their abominable impiety, with the iniquitous design that when the Pastor has been struck, the sheep may be scattered.”
   Where is this “holy place” mentioned in the prayer?… In Catholic parlance a 'holy place' is the holy Sepulchre, Calvary, the Cenacle, the temple site, Gethsemane, the Via Dolorosa, the Church of the Assumption, et cetera. Always the name of an exact and not a general geographical location. Pope Leo would know this. This 'Holy Place' is the 'Holy See'…a term used generally to indicate the Pope as Supreme Pontiff…The 'Holy See' is actually the Episcopal See of Rome. By 'Holy Place' Pope Leo is implying the general term. The Pontiff and his staff. The supreme Church hierarchy….There are dozens of Masonic-Jewish documents stating that their aim is to attain the papacy as impostors and use the Chair-Cathedral of Peter as a front for their 'transitional religion' to Judaism. [1]

   From the Venerable Anna Katarina Emmerich:

2. “I saw in Germany among world-wise ecclesiastics, and enlightened Protestants, plans formed for the blending of religious creeds, the suppression of Papal authority, the appointment of more superiors, the diminishing of expenses and number of ecclesiastics, etc., which projects found abettors in many of the Roman prelates.” [2]
3. “They want to take from the shepherd his own pasture grounds! They want to fill his place with one who will hand all over to the enemy!” Then she shook her hand indignantly, crying out: “O ye German cheats! Wait awhile! you will not succeed! The Shepherd stands upon a rock! O ye priests!…ye sleep, and the sheepfold is everywhere on fire! You do nothing! O how you will bewail this some day!” [3]
4. “I came to the Church of Peter and Paul (Rome) and saw a dark world of distress, confusion, and corruption, through which shone countless graces from thousands of saints who there repose. [4]
5. I saw the Holy Father surrounded by traitors and in great distress about the Church. He had visions and apparitions in his hour of greatest need. I saw many good pious Bishops; but they were weak and wavering, their cowardice often got the upper hand… Then I saw darkness spreading around and people no longer seeking the true Church.”
6. “We must pray that the Pope may not leave Rome, for unheard of evils would result from such a step. We must pray to the Holy Ghost to enlighten him, for they are even now trying to exact something of him. The Protestant doctrine, as also that of the Greeks, is spreading everywhere… If the Pope leaves Rome, the enemies of the Church will get the upper hand… Religion is there so skillfully undermined and stifled that there are scarcely one hundred faithful priests… All must be rebuilt soon for everyone, even ecclesiastics are laboring to destroy – ruin is at hand…” [5]
7. “I see the Holy Father in great distress. He lives in another palace and receives only a few to his presence. If the wicked party know their own great strength, they would even now have made an attack. I fear the Holy Father will suffer many tribulations before his death, for I see the black counterfeit church gaining ground, I see its fatal influence on the public. The distress of the Holy Father and of the Church is really so great that one ought to pray to God day and night. I have been told to pray much for the Church and the Pope… The people must pray earnestly for the extirpation (Rooting out, destruction) of the dark church.” [6]
8. “I saw the fatal consequences of this counterfeit church: I saw it increase; I saw heretics of all kinds flocking to the city. I saw the ever-increasing tepidity of the clergy, the circle of darkness ever widening. And now the vision became more extended. I saw in all places Catholics oppressed, annoyed, restricted, and deprived of liberty, churches were closed, and great misery prevailed everywhere with war and bloodshed.” [7]
9. “I saw several churches, or rather meeting-houses surmounted by weather-cocks, the congregations, disunited from the Church, running here and there like beggars hurrying to places where bread is distributed, having no connection with either the Church Triumphant or the Church Suffering. They were not in a regularly founded, living Church, one with the Church Militant, Suffering, and Triumphant, nor did they receive the Body of the Lord, but only bread. They who were in error through no fault of their own and who piously and ardently longed for the Body of Jesus Christ, were spiritually consoled, but not by their communion. They who habitually communicated without this ardent love received nothing;…” [8]
10. “They built a large, singular, extravagant church which was to embrace all creeds with equal rights: Evangelicals, Catholics, and all denominations, a true communion of the unholy with one shepherd and one flock. There was to be a Pope, a salaried Pope, without possessions. All was made ready, many things finished; but, in place of an altar, were only abomination and desolation. Such was the new church to be, and it was for it that he had set fire to the old one; but God designed otherwise.” [9]
11. “Again I saw in the midst of these disasters the twelve new Apostles laboring in different countries, unknown to one another, each receiving streams of living water from on high. They all did the same work. They know not whence they received their tasks; but as soon as one was finished, another was ready for them.”
12. “Ah! a pious, parish-priest has just died in Rome of old age! I received the general absolution with him! His soul went straight to purgatory, but he will very soon be released. We must pray for him. He was greatly attached to the Pope during whose captivity he did much good in secret. The Pope himself has not long to live… That good old priest was one of the twelve unknown Apostles whom I always see supporting the Church and of whom I have often spoke. He is the second that has died. There are now only ten; but I see others growing up. He was a friend and counselor of the Holy Father, but he would never give up his parish for a higher position.”
13. “I wish the time were here when the Pope dressed in red will reign. I see the Apostles, not those of the past, but the apostles of the last times, and it seems to me, the Pope is among them.”

Our Lady of LaSalette told us “Rome will lose the faith and become the seat of Antichrist… The Church will be eclipsed, the World will be in consternation.” While we await Our Lady's bringing the Church and the successor of Siri forth from eclipse, the Catholic world must regain its moral courage. St. Pius X managed to suppress the masonic/modernist elements within the Church for a time, but their secular political brothers gave us two world wars to save the world for the New World Order.

Traditionalists, blinded by subterfuge, mislead by the Novus Ordo Church's “loyal opposition” of Lefebvre, the FSSP, et al., and pseudo-Catholic pronouncements from conciliar-Rome to keep opposition divided and quiescent, we must lift our sights higher. Our Lady promised us that we would have only three mechanisms during this dark night of the soul and Church:

1. Her Immaculate Heart.
2. The Holy Rosary. And,
3. The Brown Scapular.

Let us, therefore, as Catholics of the Church Militant lay our hands, minds and hearts upon these three great weapons we have been given and use them fervently. Enough of whining in the corners about the 1950s church in America, or where ever. We have a world to conquer for Christ the King, so that when Our Lady brings forth the Church and Pope from exile and eclipse we might be found deserving of the Faith, as warriors of Christ.

Pray for us, O Most Holy Mother of God! That we may be made worthy of the promises of Christ!

William Michael

For more information on the current problems in the Catholic Church read “The Siri Thesis”!

Footnotes

[1]

The Question of the St. Michael's Prayer, Fillip Q. Dictioneri, D.A.

[2]

The Life of Anne Catherine Emmerich, Very Rev. Carl E. Schmoeger, C.SS.R., v. ii, p. 346.

[3]

ibid., pages 349-350.

[4]

ibid., p. 130.

[5]

ibid, p. 298.

[6]

ibid., pp. 292-293.

[7]

ibid., p. 281.

[8]

ibid., p. 85.

[9]

ibid., p. 35.

This article is from the 8-23-96 issue of the RCath-List, copyright 1996.

The article by Gen. Remer originally appeared in the Journal of Historical Review, and was reproduced with permission.

The Siri Thesis, Death Blows to Vatican II, The Apparition of Our Lady of LaSalette and other Catholic material could be obtained on the RCath-List www Site once located at http://www.cdc.net/~rcathlst.